Tamil general knowledge books pdf 2011


 

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Tamil General Knowledge Books Pdf 2011

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The Vijayanagara empire eventually conquered the entire Tamil country by c. Subsequently, as the Vijayanagara Empire went into decline after the midth century, many local rulers, called Nayaks , succeeded in gaining the trappings of independence. This eventually resulted in the further weakening of the empire; many Nayaks declared themselves independent, among whom the Nayaks of Madurai and Tanjore were the first to declare their independence, despite initially maintaining loose links with the Vijayanagara kingdom. They reconstructed some of the well-known temples in Tamil Nadu such as the Meenakshi Temple. An aerial view of the Meenakshi Temple from the top of the southern gopuram , looking north. The temple was rebuilt by the Vijayanagar Empire. Power struggles of the 18th century — [ edit ] By the early 18th century, the political scene in Tamil Nadu saw a major change-over and was under the control of many minor rulers aspiring to be independent.

VAO — — General English. Your e-mail address will not be published. Notify me of follow-up comments by email.

Notify me of new posts by email. Join Our Whatsapp Group. Tnpsc Group 2 2A Exam Details. Tnpsc G2 Previous Questions. Tnpsc G2 Model Questions. Tnpsc Online Coaching. Share this: Tnpsc Winmeen App. In this article, we have prepared a list of CMAT general knowledge questions.

The questions cover all the events and happenings that are important for the exam. These topics are put forth in the form of MCQ questions along with their answers. As CMAT is scheduled to take place on 28 January , a repository of these questions will streamline your revision and save time in searching for the important topics.

Read these questions carefully and be prepared to score well in the general knowledge section of CMAT exam. Questions from all the areas such as national issues, international events, sports trivia, appointments and agreements, books and authors, famous personalities and economy news are covered for your revision.

What is the newly launched toll-free helpline number for Unique Identification Authority of India? By when Indian Railways recently set the target to achieve percent de-carbonisation with 90 percent electrification? Which Indian FMCG player is planning to make use of Artificial insemination technique to 92 per cent female offspring of cows? Nomad Film Festival started in which of the following cities?

Which company has acquired gaming interactive livestreaming startup Beam? Which harmful chemical is found in the bread and is claimed to cause cancer in the consumers? What is the name of the new bill payment system which has been launched by RBI? Which online jewellery portal has been acquired by Titan in an all-cash deal?

Who has been elected as the first Indigenous woman to the House of Representatives of Parliament of Australia? Which of the given below operations was started to evacuate Indian citizens who were stranded in South Sudan's capital Juba?

Who has officially clinched the Republican nomination for the US President after a state-by-state vote at the Party Convention?

Who of the following was not selected for Rajiv Gandhi Khel Ratna? Majuli recently became the first island district of India. Majuli is located in which of the following states? Which country has launched the first of its new generation weather satellites Fengyun-4?

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Which of the following was declared as the word of the year by Oxford Dictionaries? We were interested in investigating how Tamil refugees cope with their life situation outside the public services. We expanded on previous definitions [ 28 , 37 ] and conceptualized Communal proactive coping strategies as the process by which group members feel collectively responsible for their future well-being and co-operate to promote desired outcomes and prevent undesired changes.

We followed activities within a Tamil refugee community in Norway to examine: 1 How these Tamils co-operate to form common goals and promote them 2 How these efforts are shaped in relation to a dynamic and ultimately unpredictable social context. To what extent do social events interfere with these coping strategies? Methods Procedure In order to situate communal proactive coping strategies within a social context, a qualitative, exploratory approach in which events could be followed in a naturalistic context was considered the most appropriate method.

Ethnographic field research may be particularly suited for documenting social life as a process consisting of emergent meanings established in and through social interaction [ 49 ]. Our aim to follow communal proactive coping strategies as they unfold "naturally" over time warranted a longitudinal methodological approach.

Consequently, data was collected between August and December The dramatic developments in the civil war in Sri Lanka in remain outside the scope of this study. The study did not involve recording of sensitive personal or health information. The names of participants were replaced with pseudonyms in the field notes and have been omitted throughout the article to secure anonymity.

The study has also been approved by the TRCC, and was conducted in close cooperation with this organization. Theories, conclusions, and constructs were discussed with key informants throughout the field work.

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Key informants were given the opportunity to read and comment upon the penultimate version of this manuscript. Participants and recruitment TRCC is one of the most important voluntary Tamil organizations in Norway, providing services to thousands of Tamils through 18 local departments across the country.

Hence, most of the participants in this study openly, but to various degrees supported LTTE and the separatist cause. The relationship between activities at the centre and the LTTE are explored in a separate study [ 25 ]. Activities at the centre included Tamil language tuition, cultural events, family counselling, courses and seminars, a youth club, a senior club, sports events and homework assistance.

The centre also served as an important social arena where Tamils came together, and where members of various Tamil organizations were able to discuss and plan mutual projects, typically during weekends. The staff at TRCC mainly consisted of Tamil parents of both genders who were well-educated, well employed, and around 40 years old. These persons had lived in Norway for years, and were identified as resource persons within the Tamil community.

Many of them were involved in a number of other Tamil and Norwegian voluntary organizations as well. These resource persons were recruited as key informants in the study, and included 20 individuals: 14 men and 6 women between 25 and 50 years old.

The qualitative study was an extension of and a subproject to a quantitative study to examine risk and resilience among children of immigrants that was being carried out in TRCC during the same period, The Youth, Culture and Competence Study YCC. The YCC had initiated collaboration with the headmasters of the TRCC to recruit participants and carry out data collection among their members. Recruitment of participants to the qualitative study was embedded in this collaboration. The key informants were motivated to participate in the study by their assessment of the potential benefits of participation for the Tamil community.

These benefits included the opportunity to incorporate research staff first and last author and research assistants within the Tamil social networks, and to get information about the mental health of Tamil youth. When the mutual interests in collaboration had been established between the research team and the leadership of TRCC, access to the field was made feasible. Further recruitment of informants was characterised by a naturalistic "snowball" effect resulting from following flows of interaction within the organization: key informants recruited informants, who in turn recruited further informants and so forth.

This process provided us with information from a broad spectrum of members and users of the centre. Participants were provided with information about the study and gave oral consent to participate in it. By following flows of interaction between informants, fieldwork of necessity became multi-sited to include a number of social arenas in both cities. Thus, the fieldwork consisted in participating in activities at the resource centre, as well as in sports-arrangements, political seminars, conferences, film-screenings, public demonstrations, rituals, health-camps, cultural events, and various formal and informal meetings involving members of TRCC.

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The role of the ethnographer in this context ranged from that of a passive observer, to a more active participant who could provide information related to mental health issues, public mental health services, and the Norwegian society in general. Method of data collection Following a naturalistic field approach outlined by Barth [ 50 ], and Emerson and colleagues [ 49 ], the first author participated in, observed, and made notes of social interaction and events as they occurred in the field.

The fieldwork largely followed regular activities at TRCC and consisted of hours of participant observation one to three times a week. The informants spoke fluent Norwegian. Additionally, key informants provided translations of discussions that occurred in Tamil.

Initial impressions of activities were noted in detail: What the informants talked about; what generated deep concern or engagement; how participants understood, interpreted, and dealt with these issues; and who participated in various activities.

This general approach established a broader context of events related to communal proactive coping. Attention was given to how participants organized their time to participate in the collective efforts towards promoting desired outcomes and avoiding undesired changes. Did this entail financial considerations? How did they recruit people to participate in these agendas? In what ways were personal skills and areas of competence shared with others within the community?

Furthermore, attention was given to the content of informal discourses, themes of seminars and meetings at the centre, counselling with resource persons outside the centre, and statements issued to the press. How did social events interfere with these coping efforts? What generated interest and concern among the participants?

Which group members contributed specifically in appraising potential stressors and deciding upon preliminary coping efforts? The planning and organization of distinct interventions such as courses in family counselling and meetings with representatives of Norwegian health services were followed closely. Importantly, attention was not merely given to the activities the participants engaged in throughout the fieldwork, but also on the particular meanings they attributed to those activities, within their respective contexts.

Analysis The analytical process may be described as a continuous pendulum between theoretical re assessment and empirical observation [ 51 ]. The stages may be identified as the following: Immediately following the day's fieldwork, field notes were written up as fully as possible to facilitate sorting, reordering, and coding of the text.

Accounts were framed and organized into units in which paragraphs presented coherent moments that structured the description. Extended entries consisted of series of paragraphs organized into discrete units within that day's entry - such as incidents that were noted as particularly important.

Additional memos in the text noted theoretical and analytical hunches that were reassessed and developed throughout the fieldwork. Analytic memos that supplemented descriptive field notes were re-read and reconsidered throughout the fieldwork. This informed the focus of observations in the field. Emergent findings were discussed by the authors throughout the fieldwork and assessed in relation to existing theoretical frameworks on coping strategies.

Often, these discussions would subsequently result in more meticulous observation of particular events occurring in the field. After the completion of the fieldwork, field notes were treated as a data set. Themes, patterns, and variations within the record related to the research questions were identified. In-process analyses were elaborated and re-evaluated by subjecting the broad corpus of field notes to close reflection and analysis. This process involved line by line categorization of paragraphs and extended entries.

Non-corresponding events were grouped in a separate category to investigate discrepancies between the theoretical framework and empirical observations.

Field notes were then sorted according to these categories, and rearranged into new data sets by collecting together all data fragments that were related to each category. This document was re-read and recoded, developing a series of subcategories in each distinct coping stage.

The result was new sets of categories, and new relationships between them that were explored. In this way, a sustained examination of the study questions was provided by linking together a variety of discrete observations. These categories were also assessed against the general understanding that derived from routinely participating in activities at the centre.

Results The qualitative data were organized chronologically to provide an account of communal proactive coping strategies as implemented by the Tamil sample. This account also illustrates how various social events influenced and interfered with the coping strategies.

However, in examining coping as a process over time we realized a need of important modifications with respect to the dynamic of the stages as a result of unpredictable adverse events that the participants also had to deal with as they occurred. Firstly, the data implied a need to include Forming common goals as an initial stage in the proactive coping process. This is in accordance with the perspective on proactive coping developed by Schwarzer [ 32 , 35 ].

We therefore present the stages of the coping process according to the order we observed them over time: 1 Forming common goals, 2 Resource accumulation, 3 Recognition of potential stressors, 4 Initial appraisal, 5 Preliminary coping efforts, and 6 Recognition of another potential stressor Forming common goals From the perspective of the Tamil parents at the centre, the primary goals related to their future well-being were twofold.

On the one hand, they found it important for themselves and their children to become integrated in the host society. On the other hand, it was a major concern to encourage their children to maintain Tamil identity and become socially engaged in the Tamil struggle in Sri Lanka.

These two goals were clearly seen as the common responsibility of the Tamil community: Everybody felt that they had the responsibility for themselves and future generations to become integrated and at the same time maintain their identity [ With this in mind, TRCC was established [53; our translation from Norwegian] These goals were influenced by both pre-migratory and post resettlement processes.

Post resettlement challenges were related to acculturation, overcoming general prejudice, gaining access to the labour market, and maintaining social support systems in the country of resettlement.

Importantly, however, the goal of well-being in exile was also closely related to the collective aspirations for improved social conditions for Tamils in the home country. It was important for them to encourage their children to become socially engaged in the conflict as civilians.

Thus, intelligence, skills, applicable knowledge and social network connections were important both for the integration of Tamil youth in the host society, and for social engagement in the home country.

Group members' experiences from the civil war came heavily into play here. Political acts which partly blocked Tamil access to education and the labour marked in Sri Lanka were frequently discussed at the centre. Informants stressed that the "Sinhala only" policy of had made Sinhala the only official language in Sri Lanka, and effectively closed opportunities in the public service for many Tamils.

Later, the "standardisation" of exam scores for admission to the universities in was said to have barred many Tamil youths from attending university. Tamils at the centre who had studied at universities in Sri Lanka accounted that they had been targeted by Sinhalese mobs during the "Black July" riots in Colombo in which thousands of Tamils were killed and many more forced to leave their homes: I attended the University of Colombo, first year.

There was some racism and difference in treatment, but I didn't care much. Then came Black July. Many of my friends at the University were killed by their fellow students. Our family house was burnt down, but we were warned by a Singhalese neighbour in advance and managed to escape.

I recall how people chased our car with guns, I will never forget it. We hid for three days at a factory without food. Eventually we found refuge in a school which served as a provisional refugee camp, and travelled to Jaffna.

But after a while I returned to Colombo with my father. What made the strongest impression on me was that our neighbours had piled all my books on top of my desk in our back yard, there was a lot of envy, you see, and these objects were hard to come by in Sri Lanka. And then they burnt everything. At that point, I decided to complete my education and become a professor, no matter what.

I returned to the University and explained my situation, but was met with little understanding.

I had to complete the entire first year again. That was when I applied for admission at Universities in 25 countries, and eventually I was admitted in Norway. Male informant in Bergen, translated from Norwegian According to informants, many Tamil schools in Sri Lanka were used as refugee camps for internally displaced families at the time of the fieldwork.

The blockade of the main traffic artery into the Jaffna peninsula since had made supplies for the remaining schools in the Northern areas scarce [ 54 ].

Accordingly, Tamil parents in Norway were aware that access to education was a scarce good in their homeland: In Sri Lanka it was only through education one could obtain respect in the society. Here in Norway, you get respect no matter what education you have. But many tend to think long term, that their children will return to Sri Lanka one day, and that is why they want their children to have an education.

And here in Norway we have the possibility to get an education, so why not grab it? I think it is positive. In Sri Lanka now, it is like "how can I ask my mother for money for books when we don't have money for food?

Thus, the group members' experiences with hardship in the home country formed part of a common history which to a large extent seemed to influence their desired future life trajectory. This is true both for maintenance of own identity and civil engagement in the Tamil cause in Sri Lanka, and for integration into the host society by participating in education and work force. However, from the perspective of members at the centre they were all part of the LTTE in the sense that they shared the responsibility for the future well-being of the Tamil people and shared a commonly desired solution.

So the majority here at the centre will say that they are the LTTE or feel that they are working for them Female informant, Bergen, translated from Norwegian. This solution required that the LTTE cadres remaining in the home country fought on the battlefield while members of the exile community provided intelligence and financial resources to help develop LTTE-controlled areas and realize their common goal of a separate Tamil state.

Resource accumulation Many members invested a lot of time and effort into voluntary work at the centre for the benefit of the Tamil community.

By offering tuition, courses, seminars and organizing meetings, knowledge and skills were distributed among the members. In particular, resources were marshalled to improve the performance of Tamil children within the public educational system. The children's achievements in school and in higher education were closely monitored by their parents.

If students for instance complained about difficult physics courses, senior students or parents with a University degree in physics would offer additional tuition during the weekends.

Each year, motivational seminars were arranged to inform students about trends in the labour market and pros and cons of particular educational institutions. Qualified young Tamils would also be encouraged to make use of the social networks of these resource persons to eventually secure an entry into the labour market.

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