“NEW REVELATIONS OF THE AMERICAS BEFORE COLUMBUS” PART 1 by Maria Chester U3A National Subject Adviser of American Archaeology. Download as TXT, PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd. Flag for New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus you can download it from ama zon. Request PDF on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Charles C. Mann and others published New Revelations of the Americas Before Colombus .. suku Amerindian pra Columbus-sebelum kehadiran orangorang Eropa (Erickson, ).
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The shape of a hoe. The Aztecs also sold Marketplace or as the Aztecs called it their children. More It is not the purpose of this course to than 50, people visited bustling study Mexica mythology and Aztec markets every day. It was open pantheon.
But it is important to 24 hours a day all through the year! To reported that the largest market of gain strength, the sun needed that time was the market of Tlatelolco, chalchihuatl: By sacrificing a the sister city of Tenochtitlan.
Aside few, the Mexica believed they were from crops, the Aztecs market offered postponing the death of everybody on various goods and services, including Earth. That was of Aztec society. Huitzilopochtli was the god of war. As he moved inland, he came into contact with the Totonac When the Mexica were sacrificing in and Tlaxcalan, both under the thumb Tenochtitlan, in most if not all- of the Aztec ruler, Montezuma.
Cortes European nations the bodies were was an astute politician. England population was of only 3 Cortes continued on his march million. In 16th. Before entering conceived every form of painful the city on the 8th. Guy Fawkes was hung, were at the lead. The native soldiers drawn and quartered. Unwilling to wore cotton armours and were armed compromise, William Wallace refused with crossbows. All of them, led by to submit to English rule, and Edward's Cortes, entered Tenochtitlan by the men pursued him until August 5th, flower-covered Itzapalapa causeway.
He was them. Tenochtitlan dazzled its taken to London and condemned as a invaders. It was home to , traitor to the king and was hanged, people and one of the largest cities in disembowelled, beheaded and the whole world.
There are four gods.
The main streets are very Cortes was able to take the city only wide and very straight; some of these by systematically destroying it. Europeans may not have known about All the streets have openings in places microbes, but they understood so that the water may pass from one infectious disease. Over all these Pedro Cieza de Leon wrote: All round inside this equivalent spiritual conquest.
There are as Having expected childlike natives, the many as forty towers, all of which are Franciscans found themselves so high that in the case of the largest discussing with skilled rhetoricians, there are fifty steps leading up to the proud of their intellectual traditions. In the Beyond, are we still dead or do we The Spaniards took Montezuma live?
He learned Chontal Maya. Quisquis death, no one remained to In a sober ceremony, the Mexica lead the Inca Empire, since his only abjured their old religion and equal commander Chalkuchimac had embraced Christianity. Despite lip-service devotion to the The Spanish plundered Cuzco, where Gospel, the Mexica remained out they found vast amounts of gold and side Christendom, as still do some of silver.
According to these without identifying the speakers. Out of great rocks Con Tiki terms of it natural environment created more human beings, including would be greatly embarrassed by the pregnant women. Then he sent these case of the Incas. They will not find people off into every corner of the here the essentials elements that — world. He sent a male and a female to according to them — make possible the Cusco, the "navel of the world.
The cradle The founder of the first dynasty of the of the Inca Empire is an area situated kingdom of Cuzco was Manco Capac. According to mountains and torrential streams, and the legend, Cusco was founded circa surrounded by deserts and virgin CE. His vast power rested less upon the Cusco was the capital of the Inca material strength of his armies that Empire. Cusco lies at 3, m above upon the moral force of knowledge sea level, nesting in the middle of the and religion.
He was not only the Andes. A Spanish expedition led by ruler; he was also a scholar. The greatest Apu and the Council of the Elders. The Inca Empire together in a given area and sharing extension was six times that of France. The land A council elected the Sapa Inca. There was given to the ayllu.
Each autumn was no clear line of succession. The Sapa Inca had only one real wife: Planting and harvesting were the Coya who was also his sister.
Therefore, each new Sapa The ayllu exchanged grain, pottery or Inca had to build a new house and add animals at the markets called catus. Sixteen Capac Apu, four Every hatun runa was part of an for each suyu or province, assisted the agrarian militia and was liable to Sapa Inca.
Each Capac Apu ruled over military service at any given moment. The nobility call feminine trousseau. The to war, the women from his ayllu commoners were called runakuna worked the land. Women had to people. They had little wealth and no marry at Men at If they were political power. The head of the unmarried, the decision was made by household upon marriage were called their local curaca chief. Peasants the commoners was strictly were called puric.
All members of the The official language spoken was ruling class were polygamous. Every Quechua. Inca Pachacutec imposed it ayllu also had to contribute with in They were taken to weapon to kill. Slinger units were sent Cusco to be trained to serve the Inca. They used these weapons to was the Inka salutation throughout kill the wounded.
They were very good the population: The adultery were severely punished, architects copied Cusco layout in every prostitution was almost completely new town: The law prescribed: Quechua-speaking population was moved in. The emigrant people were Their towns, cities, fortresses and then called yanaconas. Local customs, citadels were built on the highlands garments and language of the from where they could see enemies conquered people were allowed but coming.
Stone steps built to help officers had to learn Quechua. It was a peasants carrying corn and water from duty for the mitakona to bring in the terrace to terrace are still in use today. Inca culture.
The mitakona were given Stone steps built to help peasants social and economic benefits like carrying corn and water from terrace those accorded to Roman soldiers to terrace are still in use today. At the tampu, The Incas were warriors with a strong Inca chasquis and warriors could rest and powerful army. Warriors wore and feed their beasts. Tools were tunics with different colours and made from all sorts of metal except tokapus. The headdress with feathers iron. Slings were used as a distance rocks like granite and andesite.
Their homes more than half of the agricultural were built with stones, with a patio or products that the world eats today. The Among them: The road much of which was paved.
There Incas fermented maize to obtain an were road signs every few miles. Incan alcoholic beverage called chicha. The army The most important agricultural and the chasquis only used Inca Roads. The Incas built 4. The Incas suspension bridges over the gorges alternatively freeze and exposed the using thick and strong ropes made potatoes to the sunlight drying them from woven reed.
Every other year, in a five-day process until all the new ones replace bridges. The finest-quality wool studied solstices and equinoxes by just came from the wild vicuna, which was observing the Intihuatana.
It is a caught, sheared and set free again. To windows. All the festivals started only compensate the lack of fertile land, when authorized by the yancas. All the Incas built terraces. Terraces were the agricultural seasons were walled and well protected by entrance regulated by the yancas. The yancas gates. The Quillahuataquipoc top to the bottom is of 15 degrees. The The most important implement used yancas were also consulted by Inca was the taclla. They use guano as architects in order to build their cities fertilizer as well as camelid dung.
The these pools. The Empire became a without them. The The Sapa Inca never used a tunic Incas domesticated and developed twice. The palace needed vast Umac, the high priest who in the amounts of textiles. They were woven temple that also housed the nustas. Other gods, such as There were two types of textiles: INTI was the visible power with llama wool used by the coming from Viracocha. The Incas commoners. Probably a heraldic or Pachacutec established the solar cult.
Hundreds of tocapu have The walls of the Temple were covered been identified. All of them belong to in gold. The nustas were virgins living garments that belong to the Inca in chastity in the temples. Runners called Past Present Future were not chasquis using the extensive and well- conceived as a linear structure so kept Inca road system delivered shamans could pass through to access quipus. These chasquis delivered not different dimensions. The Incas only messages but also royal delicacies believed that the sacrificed children such as shellfish from the Pacific to would join their ancestors in keeping Cusco.
They origin while the other remains with would run from tambo to tambo the body, which should be kept intact. The Incas had a strong concept of This cultigen was well established in polarity; therefore they revered the the Americas before the days of powerful INTI, the masculine sun and Columbus.
One was It reached the Americas both across represented with gold and the other the Pacific and across the Atlantic with silver. She was the races of men and hence at different protector of mothers and newborn times.
But the staple crop then as now babies. Manioc grows in when Francisco Pizarro and his anywhere. When Columbus landed, the Atahualpa was garroted on 26th of July Yanomami used to live in settled after agreeing to be baptized villages in the sites. European Pizarro did not keep his promise and diseases force them to abandon the burnt him in front of his people. site Basin. By created slash-and-burn agriculture. Lima, where it still remains today. The Inca culture forest.
Clement — a botanist at the practices and its people site Research Institute in Manaus The around the planet. They replaced basin into something more useful for trees with ones suitable for human human beings. Others think crops along with manioc and managed this figure is more than conservative. Of the People for millennia have managed known domesticated plant species the pristine, untouched siteia.
The wood has retained all its nutrients as much is extremely hard and its as a millennium. When cooked Archaeologists are used to see pre- and fermented, it becomes beer.
The Columbian potsherds in planters peach palm can give two crops a year. Despite the charcoal, environment for thousands of years. American landscapes after were Makoto Ogawa of the Kansai emptied. Environmental Engineering Centre, Around 2, years ago, there was an People would thing that tomatoes are extreme change in the central and from Italy and chilli peppers from lower site: Arawak speaking Indonesia. Thai cuisine is almost based groups migrated in from the south and on chilli peppers!
British meals are west. They found a central plaza In the ancient Mexico, native fruit and some defensive ditches. The plateau has never been carefully Beginning in the 16th century, excavated but observations made by Europeans carried tomatoes around William Woods and Joseph McCann, the world. Woods was part of an strange fruits were not international team of scientists poisonous, they planted them in studying terra preta. And The siteians were in the midst of the same applies to Peru, where the terraforming the site when humble potato was domesticated!
Columbus arrived and ruined In , an exhibition at the Mexican everything! MacNeish buildings canals, rising fields and Phillips University meticulously cultivating maize. Jared diamond based his books in this Harvard botanist Paul C.
Manelsdorf theory: Wari and Tiwanaku, A. Moundbuilders, B. The American Bottom, A. site Basin Humanized Landscapes, A. In the course of learning about the program, I flew with a research team in a NASA plane equipped to sample and analyze the atmosphere at thirty thousand feet.
Moments after we clambered out of the van I was utterly enthralled. For a German magazine, Peter and I made a twelve-hour drive down a terrible dirt road thigh-deep potholes, blockades of fallen timber to the then-unexcavated Maya metropolis of Calakmul. Juan had spent twenty years as a chiclero, trekking the forest for weeks on end in search of chicle trees, which have a gooey sap that Indians have dried and chewed for millennia and that in the late nineteenth century became the base of the chewing-gum industry.
Around a night fire he told us about the ancient, vine-shrouded cities he had stumbled across in his rambles, and his amazement when scientists informed him that his ancestors had built them. That night we slept in hammocks amid tall, headstone-like carvings that had not been read for more than a thousand years.
My interest in the peoples who walked the Americas before Columbus only snapped into anything resembling focus in the fall of By chance one Sunday afternoon I came across a display in a college library of the special Columbian quincentenary issue of the Annals of the Association of American Geographers. Curious, I picked up the journal, sank into an armchair, and began to read an article by William Denevan, a geographer at the University of Wisconsin. Who lived here and what could have passed through their minds when European sails first appeared on the horizon?
The picture they have emerged with is quite different from what most Americans and Europeans think, and still little known outside specialist circles. He also mentioned something that Denevan had discussed: many researchers now believe their 4 predecessors underestimated the number of people in the Americas when Columbus arrived.
Gee, someone ought to put all this stuff together, I thought. It would make a fascinating book. I kept waiting for that book to appear. The wait grew more frustrating when my son entered school and was taught the same things I had been taught, beliefs I knew had long been sharply questioned.
Since nobody else appeared to be writing the book, I finally decided to try it myself. Besides, I was curious to learn more. The book you are holding is the result.
Some things this book is not. Such a book, its scope vast in space and time, could not be written—by the time the author approached the end, new findings would have been made and the beginning would be outdated. Among those who assured me of this were the very researchers who have spent much of the last few decades wrestling with the staggering diversity of pre-Columbian societies. Nor is this book a full intellectual history of the recent changes in perspective among the anthropologists, archaeologists, ecologists, geographers, and historians who study the first Americans.
That, too, would be impossible, for the ramifications of the new ideas are still rippling outward in too many directions for any writer to contain them in one single work.
Because so many different societies illustrate these points in such different ways, I could not possibly be comprehensive. Instead, I chose my examples from cultures that are among the best documented, or have drawn the most recent attention, or just seemed the most intriguing. No question about it, Indian is a confusing and historically inappropriate name.
Probably the most accurate descriptor for the original inhabitants of the Americas is Americans. Actually using it, though, would be risking worse confusion. In this book I try to refer to people by the names they call themselves. The overwhelming majority of the indigenous peoples whom I have met in both North and South America describe themselves as Indians. Many of its inhabitants belong to the Gitksan or Gitxsan nation.
At the time of my visit, the Gitksan had just lodged a lawsuit with the governments of both British Columbia and Canada. They wanted the province and the nation to recognize that the Gitksan had lived there a long time, had never left, had never agreed to give their land away, and had thus retained legal title to about eleven thousand square miles of the province.
They were very willing to negotiate, they said, but they were not willing to not be negotiated with. Flying in, I could see why the Gitksan were attached to the area. The plane swept past the snowy, magnificent walls of the Rocher de Boule Mountains and into the 5 confluence of two forested river valleys. Mist steamed off the land. People were fishing in the rivers for steelhead and salmon even though they were miles from the coast.
The Gitanmaax band of the Gitksan has its headquarters in Hazelton, but most members live in a reserve just outside town. I drove to the reserve, where Neil Sterritt, head of the Gitanmaax council, explained the litigation to me. A straightforward, level-voiced man, he had got his start as a mining engineer and then come back home with his shirtsleeves rolled up, ready for a lengthy bout of legal wrangling.
After multiple trials and appeals, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled in that British Columbia had to negotiate the status of the land with the Gitksan. Talks were still ongoing in , two decades after the lawsuit first began. In the park were several re-created longhouses, their facades covered in the forcefully elegant, black-and-red arcs of Northwest Coast Indian art. The art school trained local Indians in the techniques of translating traditionally derived designs into silk-screen prints.
Sterritt left me in a back room of the schoolhouse and told me to look around. There was more in the room than he may have realized, for I quickly found what looked like storage boxes for a number of old and beautiful masks.
Beside them was a stack of modern prints, some of which used the same designs. And there were boxes of photographs, old and new alike, many of splendid artworks. At first I found all the designs hard to interpret, but soon some seemed to pop right out of the surface. They had clean lines that cut space into shapes at once simple and complex: objects tucked into objects, creatures stuffed into their own eyes, humans who were half beast and beasts who were half human—all was metamorphosis and surreal commotion.
But I was delighted by the boldly graphic lines and dazzled by the sense that I was peeking into a vibrant past that I had not known existed and that continued to inform the present in a way I had not realized. For an hour or two I went from object to object, always eager to see more. In assembling this book, I hope to share the excitement I felt then, and have felt many times since. In a few minutes the roads and houses disappeared, and the only traces of human settlement were the cattle scattered over the savanna like sprinkles on ice cream.
Then they, too, disappeared. By that time the archaeologists had their cameras out and were clicking away in delight. Below us lay the Beni, a Bolivian province about the size of Illinois and Indiana put together, and nearly as flat. The rest of the year the water dries up and the bright green vastness turns into something that resembles a desert. Erickson, based at the University of Pennsylvania, worked in concert with a Bolivian archaeologist, who that day was elsewhere, freeing up a seat in the plane for me.
The two men differ in build, temperament, and scholarly proclivity, but they pressed their faces to the windows with identical enthusiasm. Scattered across the landscape below were countless islands of forest, many of them almost-perfect circles—heaps of green in a sea of yellow grass. Each island rose as much as sixty feet above the floodplain, allowing trees to grow that otherwise could not endure the water.
The forests were bridged by raised berms, as straight as a rifle shot and up to three miles long. When I went to high school, in the s, I was taught that Indians came to the Americas across the Bering Strait about thirteen thousand years ago, that they lived for the most part in small, isolated groups, and that they had so little impact on their environment that even after millennia of habitation the continents remained mostly wilderness.
Schools still impart the same ideas today. Indians were here far longer than previously thought, these researchers believe, and in much greater numbers. And they were so successful at imposing their will on the landscape that in Columbus set foot in a hemisphere thoroughly marked by humankind.
Given the charged relations between white societies and native peoples, inquiry into Indian culture and history is inevitably contentious. But the recent scholarship is especially controversial.
To begin with, some researchers—many but not all from an older generation—deride the new theories as fantasies arising from an almost willful misinterpretation of data and a perverse kind of political correctness.
Meggers, of the Smithsonian Institution, told me. Similar criticisms apply to many of the new scholarly claims about Indians, according to Dean R. Snow, an anthropologist at Pennsylvania State University. To green activists, as the University of Wisconsin historian William Cronon has written, restoring this long-ago, putatively natural state is a task that society is morally bound to undertake.
Yet if the new view is correct and the work of humankind was pervasive, where does that leave efforts to restore nature? The Beni is a case in point.
In addition to building roads, causeways, canals, dikes, reservoirs, mounds, raised agricultural fields, and possibly ball courts, Erickson has argued, the Indians who lived there before Columbus trapped fish in the seasonally flooded grassland. The trapping was not a matter of a few isolated natives with nets, but a society-wide effort in which hundreds or thousands of people fashioned dense, zigzagging networks of earthen fish weirs fish-corralling fences among the causeways. Much of the savanna is natural, the result of seasonal flooding.
But the Indians maintained and expanded the grasslands by regularly setting huge areas on fire. Over the centuries the burning created an intricate ecosystem of fire-adapted plant species dependent on indigenous pyrophilia.
When we flew over the region, the dry season had just begun, but mile-long lines of flame were already on the march. Smoke rose into the sky in great, juddering pillars. In the charred areas behind the fires were the blackened spikes of trees, many of them of species that activists fight to save in other parts of siteia. The future of the Beni is uncertain, especially its most thinly settled region, near the border with Brazil.
Some outsiders want to develop the area for ranches, as has been done with many U. Others want to keep this sparsely populated region as close to wilderness as possible.
Local Indian groups regard this latter proposal with suspicion. Could any outside group endorse large-scale burning in siteia? Instead, Indians propose placing control of the land into their hands.
Activists, in turn, regard that idea without enthusiasm—some indigenous groups in the U. Southwest have promoted the use of their reservations as repositories for nuclear waste. And, of course, there is all that burning. I froze. I was climbing a low, crumbly hill and had been about to support myself by grasping a scrawny, almost vine-like tree with splayed leaves. The ants occupy minute tunnels just beneath the bark. In return for shelter, the ants attack anything that touches the tree—insect, bird, unwary writer.
The venom-squirting ferocity of their attack gives rise to T.
At the base of the devil tree, exposing its roots, was a deserted animal burrow. The depression was thick with busted pottery. We could see the rims of plates and what looked like the foot of a teakettle—it was shaped like a human foot, complete with painted toenails.
As much as an eighth of the hill, by volume, was composed of such fragments, he said. You could dig almost anywhere on it and see the like. We were clambering up an immense pile of broken crockery. The pile is known as Ibibate, at fifty-nine feet one of the tallest known forested mounds in the Beni. Erickson explained to me that the pieces of ceramic were probably intended to help build up and aerate the muddy soil for settlement and agriculture. The mounds cover such an enormous area that they seem unlikely to be the byproduct of waste.
Monte Testaccio, the hill of broken pots southeast of Rome, was a garbage dump for the entire imperial city. Ibibate is larger than Monte Testaccio and but one of hundreds of similar mounds. Surely the Beni did not generate more waste than Rome—the ceramics in Ibibate, Erickson argues, indicate that large numbers of people, many of them skilled laborers, lived for a 9 long time on these mounds, feasting and drinking exuberantly all the while.
The two men were wiry, dark, and nearly beardless; walking beside them on the trail, I had noticed small nicks in their earlobes. They lived about a mile away, in a little village at the end of a long, rutted dirt road. We had driven there earlier in the day, parking in the shade of a tumbledown school and some old missionary buildings.
The structures were clustered near the top of a small hill—another ancient mound. Now, climbing up Ibibate, Chiro observed that I was standing by the devil tree. Keeping his expression deadpan, he suggested that I climb it. Up top, he said, I would find some delicious jungle fruit.
From the top of Ibibate we were able to see the surrounding savanna. Perhaps a quarter mile away, across a stretch of yellow, waist-high grass, was a straight line of trees—an ancient raised causeway, Erickson said. Otherwise the countryside was so flat that we could see for miles in every direction—or, rather, we could have seen for miles, if the air in some directions had not been filled with smoke.
Afterward I wondered about the relationship of our escorts to this place. Their answer continued sporadically through the rest of the evening, as we rode to our lodgings in an unseasonable cold rain and then had dinner. Today most would answer it in another, different way.
Between and a young doctoral student named Allan R. Holmberg lived among them. He published his account of their lives, Nomads of the Longbow, in For millennia, he thought, they had existed almost without change in a landscape unmarked by their presence. Then they encountered European society and for the first time their history acquired a narrative flow. And he bravely surmounted trials in Bolivia that would have caused many others to give up.
During his months in the field he was always uncomfortable, usually hungry, and often sick. He never fully recovered his health. After his return, he became head of the anthropology department at Cornell University, from which position he led its celebrated efforts to alleviate poverty in the Andes.
And he was wrong about the Beni, the place they inhabited—wrong in a way that is instructive, even exemplary. Before Columbus, Holmberg believed, both the people and the land had no real history. Stated so baldly, this notion—that the indigenous peoples of the Americas floated changelessly through the millennia until —may seem ludicrous.
But flaws in perspective often appear obvious only after they are pointed out. In this case they took decades to rectify. Not only was the government hostile, the region, a center of the cocaine trade in the s and s, was dangerous. The wreck of a crashed drug plane sits not far from the airport in Trinidad, the biggest town in the province. What they learned transformed their understanding of the place and its people.
A genetic bottleneck occurs when a population becomes so small that individuals are forced to mate with relatives, which can produce deleterious hereditary effects. Even as the epidemics hit, Stearman learned, the group was fighting the white cattle ranchers who were taking over the region.
Those released from confinement were forced into servitude on the ranches. The wandering people Holmberg traveled with in the forest had been hiding from their abusers. At some risk to himself, Holmberg tried to help them, but he never fully grasped that the people he saw as remnants from the Paleolithic Age were actually the persecuted survivors of a recently shattered culture.
It was as if he had come across refugees from a Nazi concentration camp, and concluded that they belonged to a culture that had always been barefoot and starving. Linguistic evidence, first weighed by anthropologists in the s, suggests that they arrived from the north as late as the seventeenth century, about the time of the first Spanish settlers and missionaries.
To judge by Nomads of the Longbow, Holmberg did not know of this earlier culture—the culture that built the causeways and mounds and fish weirs. But they did not draw systematic scholarly attention until , when William Denevan came to Bolivia.
Upon arrival he discovered that oil-company geologists, the only scientists in the area, believed the Beni was thick with the remains of an unknown civilization. Convincing a local pilot to push his usual route westward, Denevan examined the Beni from above. He observed exactly what I saw four decades later: isolated hillocks of forest; long raised berms; canals; raised agricultural fields; circular, moat-like ditches; and odd, zigzagging ridges.
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