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Novel Fairish Pdf

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Significance of Kikila in relation to Dawas journey towards his destiny. How Zorro got his name. Encounter with Tangpa and Zorro. The present modern dog names and the typical Bhutanese dog names e. Human Meetings and Dog meetings. The harsh and rustic rural life in Tang. But even in similar social situations different speakers of similar age, education and social group, may make quite different choices and, moreover, many alternate between different pronouns in what seems a random fashion.

In addition to the above pronouns, speakers also use kin terms and personal names for first and second person references. Titles are also used for second and third person references.

Kami is also used for singular or plural first person, but never inclusive. Sneddon focuses his study on speakers from Jakarta. This association remains strong particularly in relation to first- and second-person pronouns, as indicated by Manns , Ewing , and Englebretson All these previous studies suggest that spatial and social ordering is an important dimension of pronoun use.

In what follows I show how the findings from conversation are mirrored in teen fiction. Ten of the fifteen stories in the novels under study are set in Jakarta, four in Yogya, and one in both Jakarta and Yogya. All stories contain representations of interaction by members of friendship groups and most stories deal with the theme of romantic relationships. In the story set in both Jakarta and Yogya, all four forms are found.

Variation of forms in this story is discussed in more detail in section 6. The default patterns for the Jakarta stories and the Yogya stories are illustrated below. Gue mau ngomong niiih!

I reeeally want to tell [you] something! Yang jelas, jangan rese, ya. Awas lo! Just remember that! Like in the previous examples, in 6 and 7 gue and e lo occur in the speech of peer group members. This pair contrasts with the aku-kamu set in the speech of romantic partners shown in 8 and 9. Lo sih, beraninya cuma ngeliatin doang. Sapa dia dong! Why not say hello! Habis itu sih nggak ada apa-apa lagi.

After that, no plans. Aku and kamu and its enclitic form —mu, marking possessor occur in the speech of the girl protagonist, Ocha. Example 10 shows Ocha talking to close friend Pia. Aku temenin sampe mbakmu jemput deh! I will stay here with you until your older sister picks you up, ok! Gue and elo are the default forms for peer group members and siblings in the Jakarta stories, while aku and kamu are the default forms for participants in the Yogya stories.

Aku and kamu are also used by characters in a romantic relationship, both in the Jakarta and Yogya stories. Considering the range of forms available in Indonesian, and the relative freedom that writers have to craft their writing style, it is surprising to find the patterns of preferences in the novels. One might object that the relative uniformity observed here is an effect of genre. However, genre alone does not explain the region-based differentiation that the stories so strongly show, and the fact that the patterns in teenlit Djenar, Dwi Noverini: Pre-publication version November 25 To appear in: Sandrine Sorlin and Laure Gardelle eds.

Sneddon 62 points out that these forms constitute The most common second person forms are e lu and kamu. This pattern is mirrored in the Jakarta stories. The default forms in the Yogya stories are aku and kamu for first and second persons respectively. Ewing notes a similar attitude among his participants. Englebretson 82 too noticed this attitude among his Yogya participants. I would argue that aside from a region-based differentiation Jakartan youth speakers prefer gue , social age and discourse type are the main differentiating factors for saya.

Englebretson 84 argues that youth use saya to index a formal stance, a public social identity and social distance, whereas aku signals a casual stance and a relaxed and intimate self. The preference for aku in teenlit accords with this view. Teenlit novels generally focus on the relation between members of friendship groups.

It makes sense therefore that a form typically associated with casual attitudes should be preferred. Situational variation So far we have established the patterns of pronoun choice in terms of collective preferences. To what extent can we consider the pronouns as emerging from and tied to situational contingencies and reflecting individual preferences?

As noted by Sneddon 58 , variation in the choice of person forms is common among speakers of colloquial Indonesian. Types of discourse e. Other motivating factors for variation, as noted by previous studies, include a change of addressee, performance and stance-taking, and accommodation. For example, two teenagers on gue-elo terms may shift to aku- kamu as they enter into a romantic relationship, and may revert to gue-elo in times of conflict.

The Jakarta stories suggest that the shift from gue-elo to aku-kamu among participants who are moving from being friends to being romantic partners forms a shared pattern. This contrasts with the pattern for peer interaction in the Jakarta stories in which gue-elo is the preferred forms.

This is different in the Yogya stories where there is no change of form. The preference for aku-kamu in romantic relationships reflects the typification of these pronouns as ones that can be used to convey closeness and intimate familiarity without the coarseness of the Jakartan gue-elo. I now turn to two examples to show how situational use draws from as well as reinforces sociospatial ordering.

The first example is taken from Canting Cantiq Nuranindya , the novel mentioned earlier. As described, Melanie Adiwijoyo, the girl protagonist, experiences a significant life change when her wealthy father goes bankrupt and has to send his daughter to live with her grandfather in Djenar, Dwi Noverini: Pre-publication version November 29 To appear in: Sandrine Sorlin and Laure Gardelle eds.

Saka explains that he is one of the student boarders there.

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Kemudian ia tersenyum simpul. Then he smiled in amusement. Gue identifies Melanie as a Jakartan and differentiates her from Saka who is from Yogya.

The co-occurrence of this pronoun with the name Jakarta in her utterance makes explicit that regional differentiation.

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In this context, gue produces a distancing effect. By using gue in Yogya — a place where this pronoun is not common — and to a person she presumes to be a servant, Melanie distances herself from what she perceives as a lesser social position.

This distancing is an effect that emerges from this situational context, but also draws from the typification of gue as an index of a Jakartan identity.

The juxtaposition between gue and saya therefore produces a contrast that is both regionally and socially based. Tegas tapi dingin. Dan sama sekali tanpa senyum.

Sedikit pun! Firm but cold. And completely without smiling.

Not even a little bit! As mentioned, saya is not the common form for first person in this story or other teenlit stories. The context in 14 makes it clear that the use of this term produces a pragmatically marked effect, as indicated in the following response from other classmates.

Namanya keren banget! Meta menoleh. Tampangnya langsung sewot. Such a cool name! Meta turned around. She suddenly fumed. Clearly this reaction is not the result of saya alone. However, the fact that Davi selects saya in self-introduction suggests that he knows how to present a public persona. Saya links him to the absent others e. Following his self-introduction, Davi is described as approaching the girl protagonist, Irish, asking if he could sit next to her.

Irish replies that another classmate, Deni, is sitting there. Davi responds by using gue, even though this is the first time he speaks to Irish. His use of gue in this context accords with the Jakarta default pattern for non-romantic partners.