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How can I use this format? Log in to rate this item. You must be logged in to post a review. Please log in. In so doing, officials fostered an increasingly impressive repository of Jewish religious texts available for consultation.
In , the group studied tractates Pesah.
C, D Uytwerf is not known to have printed books either in Hebrew or specifically for Jews. Unless Uytwerf supplied the Ets Haim with books unrelated to Jews or Judaism, the record suggests that the livraria and perhaps elected officials acquired copies of vol. Mayim H. Peri H.
Pene Yitsh. At least two additional books are men- tioned by name but cannot be identified at present: Marganita Taba, which could refer to a variety of books, including titles printed in Frankfurt in the s and s SAA , no. download of six copies for 18 florins from Isaac Lopez Pereira. download of one copy for 8 florins. download of twelve copies for florins. download of probably a single copy in a transaction of ten copies of Peri H.
download of ten copies, with one copy of Peri Hadash, for. download of two copies for 10 florins possibly from a hakham in. download of four volumes, in four transactions, for a total of 16 florins. download of a four-volume work for 16 florins.
SCLAR Shemesh Tsedakah Venice, , responsa by Samson Morpurgo, pur- chased in They represented vigorous intellectual engagement with long-standing rabbinic sources and recent and widely disseminated responsa literature.
The Ets Haim acquired most of the titles listed above as single copies, ensuring their place in the livraria as reference texts. Their use in the medras grande indi- cated the textual aptitude of the top rabbinic minds in the Portuguese milieu.
Moreover, regular procurement of new publications connected advanced students and the community as a whole to the mainstream Jewish intellec- tual environment of the eighteenth century.
The volumes of contemporary re- sponsa in particular linked the activities and concerns of the Portuguese rab- binate with those of rabbinates in Altona, Livorno, Venice, and elsewhere. Ets Haim at the Press Athias and Abendana de Britto engendered greater emphasis on rabbinic texts than there had been in previous decades at the Ets Haim.
The eloquence and lyricism of treatises on the Bible and philosophy as well as the production of works in translation had given way largely to sophisticated writings on ha- lakhah and Talmud in standard rabbinic Hebrew. The scholar best embodying this trend—and, after the chief rabbis, a driving force behind contemporary Western Sephardic scholarship—was David Meldola.
He published his own 54 SAA , no.
download of one copy for 3 florins. Makom Shemuel, printed in Altona, was acquired within a year of publication, like the books from Amsterdam. Divre Yosef and Shemesh Tsedakah, however, books imported from the Italian Peninsula, were entered in the rolls two years after publication. Tseror he-H. Sama de-H. When Rofe undertook to bring out the book again, Meldola was not involved.
With all having been lost in the fire—from which Rofe wrote he narrowly escaped with his life— it appears that manuscripts of Sefer ha-Tashbets were not lost. From this less than exhaustive list, it is clear that Meldola had extensive experience with print.
In addition, at least five scholars from three continents benefited from his abilities and connections with print. Furthermore, Meldola frequently worked cooperatively with his col- leagues in the Ets Haim.
Judah Piza, Jacob Bassan, Moses Israel, and even Luzzatto were all long-term students in the medras grande,62 and each of them saw writing and publishing as an integral element of their work.
Concurrently, the Proops press published a quarto bifolium entitled Zeh Seder ha-Yom, also consisting of prayers for a special day of supplication, because the Ashkenazic chief rabbi, Saul ben Aryeh Leib Lowenstamm, had proclaimed Adar 17 a day of prayer to seek divine deliverance from famine and bovine disease.
Perhaps related, King George II of England proclaimed a fast day in his kingdom for fear of an invasion by the French. For the medras of R.
Guerman at 43 placas apiece 12 Livros de Cantares and Pereqc [for R. Meir Acohen and R. The two texts appeared together with Spanish translations in Paraprasis Caldayca, en los Cantares de Selomoh, con el texto Hebrayco, y Ladino, traduzida en lengua Espanola Amsterdam: Isaac de Cordova, Other colleagues also worked as correctors.
These publications often complemented the prescribed study of the medras grande. Several imprints were nothing less than study manuals and introductions for advancing students.
Others, including collections of responsa such as Mayim Rabbim and Divre David, promoted Western Sephardic rabbinic culture and linked it to the larger rabbinate. These latter books indicate that the interests and expertise of Meldola, Bassan, and others extended beyond the primary study and production of rabbinic texts. Presumably, scholars in the medras grande contacted—and were ap- proached by—printers, publishers, and authors to assist in editing manu- scripts and correcting typeset pages.
The acquisition lists frequently show reimbursements to Ets Haim instructors for downloads of books and religious items, and, in at least one instance, Meldola was recorded as having deliv- ered Talmud tractates to the yeshivah. As expectations for attendance in the medras grande were exceedingly low—just two hours each morning and two hours in the late afternoon65 —both students and instructors could carry on as they pleased during the remainder of the day.
While many undoubt- edly toiled in other professions, some, like Meldola, primarily remained in the medras and supplemented their income through publishing. Indeed, the chief rabbis and the elected officials of the Ets Haim encour- aged advanced students in their publishing activity.
As early as , the yeshivah, in association with the mahamad, resolved to maintain the annual publication of twelve or thirteen pesakim authored by members of the medras grande. The enterprise continued until the early nineteenth century, with nearly one thousand pesakim issued. Thirty-eight copies of tractate Yoma. During the summer months, men receiving regular stipends were required to sit in the medras between and A.
During the winter months, students were expected between and A. See, e. It included the support of the chief rabbis, elected officials of both the mahamad and the Ets Haim, instructors and students in the medras grande, librarians in control of book collections, and laymen who supported the institution financially. The purpose was to train rabbinic thinkers, including men capable of serving other Portuguese communities. If the pe- sakim were disseminated widely and did not serve merely as an expensive intellectual exercise, the printed halakhic tracts could feasibly link all rab- bis in the Portuguese diaspora to the Ets Haim and to each other as well as to the pan-rabbinate if circulated even more widely.
We can assume that this amount was a fair and standard charge for labor in a print shop because both the Proops press, which issued the majority of the pesakim, and the press of Abraham Athias demanded the same amount per tract.
As print shop owners, Proops and Athias required enough money to pay copyists, typesetters, correctors, and laborers and still turn a profit. See Levie Bernfeld, Poverty and Welfare, The monthly stipends in the medras grande dropped from 10 to 7 florins during the early s SAA , no.
The two arms— acquisition and publication—stemmed from a program to broaden the apti- tude and the reach of Portuguese rabbinic culture. He had prayed in his house with a quorum of Ashkenazic Jews Judeus Polacos during the festival of Shavuot. It ruled that he could rejoin the community and pray in the Esnoga only after publicly atoning and con- tributing 25 florins to charity. According to the document, de Andrade admitted to what transpired on Shavuot, and apologized to the mahamad, but remarked that he had not known such actions were unacceptable.
In late , another document states that he had been called up in the Esnoga for a third and final time to publicly atone for his transgression.
As with the previous two times, which are not documented in this record book, he did not respond SAA , no. Presumably, Portuguese officials attempted to bring him back into the ritual fold of the community, or he himself sought to return he did pray on Shavuot after all but could not bring himself to recant publicly.
While the first document did not include a description of the h.