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Cooking medical-site.info - Bon comme le medical-site.info - Cooking medical-site.info Liberte medical-site.info - medical-site.info - Contrabbasso1. pdf. Liberté is a French-language newspaper in Algeria. Its head office is in El Achour , Algiers. Print/export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. ALGÉRIE. La constitution prévoit la liberté de croyance et d'opinion et permet aux Algériens d'établir des institutions dont les objectifs comprennent la protection.
This constitutes a challenge to the IOCs known as the seven sisters, 2 and importing markets alike. It seems that even the leading IOCs have no option other than accepting the new reality.
Tony Hayward, the Chief Executive of BP, stated in realistic terms during the World Petroleum Congress held in in Madrid that this was the time to develop new forms of contractual relationships that move beyond the historical model that requires the ownership of reserves and production.
Algeria is in the heart of this transformational trend. Sonatrach now is different from its early times in when the country had only just acquired independence, when it had neither trained human capital as management and technicians, nor enough equity to invest and exploit its own resources.
The Algerian government and Sonatrach have learnt from the mistakes of the past and are now working to consolidate the hydrocarbon sector, a sector that has always been the backbone of the Algerian economy since its independence. In addition to the economic dimension, these hydrocarbon commodities are lending enormous power and weight to Algeria in the international political arena. Having said that, however, it 2 These companies are either owned privately or by governments with little or no hydrocarbon resources.
The Hydrocarbon Sector in Algeria Algeria is blessed with important hydrocarbon endowments. Oil and gas production in Algeria goes back to , during the French colonial rule. Algeria is today a major producer and exporter of hydrocarbons with significant proven reserves of natural gas and to some extent crude oil; it holds more natural gas than oil.
Latest data from BP show that Algerian proven reserves of oil are currently at Natural gas has become the fuel of choice around the world because of its environmental advantages over other fossil fuels.
The forum was founded in with the ambition of becoming an organisation that controls prices and output of its member countries, similar to what OPEC does for the crude oil. The management of the Algerian hydrocarbon wealth rests with the Ministry of Energy and Mines, but the executing body is the national oil company Sonatrach, which was established in just after independence.
It is not the sole player, but the main player. It is responsible for the management of the country's oil industry, which encompasses the organisation of exploration, production, transport, refining, processing, marketing and distribution of oil, gas and related products.
Until a few years ago, Sonatrach had also played a role as a regulatory body, managing the exploration bidding rounds for oil and gas. The company negotiated licences and contracts with foreign companies as an arm of the government, but also acted as a normal commercial entity.
There was great potential for a conflict of interests. Nowadays, this regulatory role is performed by the newly established regulatory agency Alnaft, created by the New Hydrocarbon Law. To describe Sonatrach of today from a legal perspective, it is a commercial entity that has the government as a sole shareholder.
A few years ago, Sonatrach was legally restructured to be able to meet international benchmarks of efficiency and good management. The restructuring will allow the company to attract talent and possess flexibility to manage and compete.
In , Algeria exported 55bn cubic metres to Europe, Sonatrach is the main supplier of Spain, France, Greece, Portugal and Italy through its two main cross-border pipelines. One is in the west and links Algeria and Spain via Morocco. The second pipeline is in the east, which links Algeria with Italy via Tunisia. The potential of Algeria to supply other European countries is huge. The recent conflict between Georgia and Russia has pushed several European countries to seriously seek for non-Russian suppliers of gas.
The German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, in a recent visit to Algeria showed interest in establishing a partnership to import gas from Algeria.
During that visit, the Algerians referred to their LNG liquefied natural gas exports as a way to help German energy diversification plans. The importance of Algeria is not limited to its status as a resource holder, but also as a transit territory, a land that acts as a bridge between other African energy-producers and Europe. The best example is the Trans-Saharan pipeline project, which when completed will link Nigeria with Algeria and then join the existing Algerian pipeline infrastructure that transports natural gas to the northern basin of the Mediterranean sea.
Algeria has an extensive domestic oil and natural gas pipeline system. The importance of the project for Europe is due to the ranking of Nigeria as the seventh largest natural gas holder in the world. The Algerian government is keen to support the realisation of the project. The Algerian policymakers seize any opportunity to advocate the importance of the project to their European partners.
On the European front, the EU seems also keen to finance this strategic project for its energy security. In the aftermath of the last Russian-Ukrainian gas dispute, the EU has decided to accelerate its commitment to the project. Another reason is to stop the ambitions of the Russian energy company Gazprom to finance and get involved in the project.
The Dominance of Hydrocarbons in the Algerian Economy It is almost impossible to discuss the Algerian economy without focusing on Sonatrach, which is always associated with the Algerian state budget and economy.
The hydrocarbon sector clearly dominates the economy. Algeria is largely dependent on hydrocarbon wealth, and the rise of the price of these commodities over the past five years at least, has helped to boost the Algerian economy. The government derives most of its revenues from the sale of hydrocarbon products.
After years of economic difficulties, it seems that now the pendulum is in the right direction for Algeria. Real GDP growth stood at 4. The single most important contribution of the petrodollar bonanza in the Algerian economy is its aid to improve the external position of Algeria.
The high hydrocarbon earnings helped the Algerian government to pay back the majority of its external public debt. Since , the government decided to make repayments ahead of schedule to the majority of its main foreign creditors. Hydrocarbon resources also play an important role for the flows of foreign direct investment into Algeria.
At current high oil prices and increasing global demand, it is likely that the country will receive more investment in exploration activities. The promotion of energy intensive industries will make hydrocarbon resources play an ever more important part in the Algerian economy. Record-high oil prices have also increased the assets of the Oil Stabilization Fund fonds de regulation de reccettes , a fund that was set up by the Algerian government in with the main goal of insulating the budget and economy from the fluctuation of hydrocarbon prices.
It aims to secure the stability of development projects in the medium term, and also works as an inflation stabiliser. As with many other sovereign funds, returns on invested funds also constitute a source of income.
The fund has also enabled the Algerian government to pay back its foreign public debt. Money flows into or from the fund are not revealed. Mitchell, Oil Titans: National Oil Companies in the Middle East, Brookings Institution Press, 5 The current global financial and economic situation is a good example of the benefits of such funds for the economic stability and development of commodity-exporting countries. Despite the global turmoil, the large savings from the last oil windfall are enabling the Algerian government to proceed with its mega-projects.
The savings give the country an opportunity to smooth the impact of the global recession on the Algerian economy. Officials have kept reiterating their commitment to continued spending.
The policy-makers dealt in a prudent manner with their surpluses and the way they invested them, which gave ammunition to the Algerian economy to face at least a cyclical crisis. In addition to the above financial and macroeconomic contributions, the hydrocarbon earnings play a key role in the economic development and the promotion of non-hydrocarbon economic activities.
The aim is to tender the infrastructure and public sector services projects irrigation and water desalination, housing, and health to foreign companies.
Algeria is, as many other petroleum-based economies, continuing its efforts to diversify its economy beyond the oil and gas industries. An economy which is not only based on the hydrocarbon sector will help the country to secure employment and a stable economy, which are sources of major concern to policymakers in Algiers. GDP growth and other sound macroeconomic indicators do not tell the whole story.
On top of the macro boom, there is unemployment that is one of the main challenges that the Algerian government faces, especially among the urban youth. High population growth coupled with low rates of economic diversification and growth have resulted in very high unemployment rates. Figures from the National Centre of Information and Statistics show the unemployment rate reached Tackling the issue of unemployment is much needed since it would contribute to enhancing political stability in a country that has not enjoyed peaceful times since the start of a civil war in the early s.
With all this in mind, it is clear what a great contribution the hydrocarbon sector and Sonatrach make to the Algerian economy. But Sonatrach is involved in a business which fluctuates rapidly and constantly.
This explains why the change of the way Sonatrach works is of paramount importance. The aim behind the restructuring of Sonatrach has been to ensure economic stability for the country, through the achievement of a sustainable income that allows stable growth.
The Restructuring of Sonatrach A Favourable International Conjuncture At the turn of the century, the Algerian company launched a process of restructuring that affected its business lines and geographic activities.
This has encouraged Sonatrach to increase its downstream presence and embark on an aggressive internationalisation programme. Until very recently, the majority of producing countries, including Algeria, were not in direct control of final product markets. These used to be managed and controlled by major international oil companies. The emergence of Sonatrach as one of the main players in the global energy market has flourished in a very favourable international environment.
The turning point came with the increase of the importance of natural gas in the energy mix of the majority of importing countries.
North African problems and prospects: Language and identity. In: J. Fishman, C.
Formation professionnelle. The Passing of French Algeria. The French Language and National Identity. Esprit, , 12—34 Google Scholar Grandguillaume, G. Colonial education in Algeria: assimilation and reaction. In: P. Kelly Eds Education and the Colonial Experience pp.
Plaidoyer pour le bilinguisme. Language rights and political theory. La langue alibi. Freedom of Speech — in any language. Middle East Quarterly, Summer. Enseignement de la langue arabe. Language attitudes in Morocco following recent changes in language policy. Introducing Sociolinguistics. As such, followers of the Dawa Salafiya movement claim to be against jihadists who breed fitna conflict and against moderates who propagate bidaa religious innovations.
Since the protests against Bouteflika began in February , the voices of the most famous leaders of the Dawa movement have remained silent.
While it is true that there have been Islamist party leaders and imams in the streets supporting the movement, none of these figures have issued any declarations claiming to be representative of the Dawa movement writ large. At this stage, it is very hard to predict what the Dawa leaders will do.
It is likely that they will continue to remain entirely silent in the transition phase to avoid upsetting the authorities and especially the military. But the movement in its current form dates back to the s, when a group of Algerian scholars came back from Saudi Arabia after studying at the Islamic University of Madinah, a Salafi stronghold.
The Dawa movement is Wahhabi-inspired. The Council of Senior Scholars in Saudi Arabia is the source of much of the Wahhabi thought that has flooded the Arab world in general and Algeria in particular. Saudi educational support has been a vital factor in the growth and expansion of the Dawa. Many Algerian students for whom established Salafi professors vouch are offered trips to Saudi Arabia supposedly to perform the pilgrimage while in reality they go to study Salafism.
Sponsorship by a professor from the movement allows students to obtain a stipend and a certificate at the end of the course. After that, these newly minted graduates become authorities and can vouch for others to take the trip. Such sponsorship arrangements and the power given by the Saudis can be removed at any time.
To stay up to date on the needs of the Dawa Salafiya, the Saudi embassy in Algeria used to offers honorariums to Algerian students who wrote reports on the evolution of the community and its relationship to society. Most of the books coming from Saudi Arabia are either distributed for free or generate revenues that are reinvested in the movement.
Algerian authorities have been trying to oversee the market of religious books, but their control is not absolute. For instance, Sheikh Mohamed Ferkous, who was appointed symbolically in a letter sent by Saudi Sheikh al-Madkhali as the official voice of Salafism in Algeria, is very active in Algiers and its suburbs. Their fatwas are available online, and they offer guidance on several everyday matters and in several languages, including Arabic, French, and even English.
The Dawa Movement and Re-Islamization in Algeria For many ordinary Algerians, the Dawa movement offers an alternative solution to a long-brewing crisis of political representation.
Dawa Salafiya speaks to a generation of Algerians who are disappointed with a political scene that has been monopolized by the FLN since , disenchanted with radical Islamists and their track record of violent extremism during the civil war, and let down by moderate Islamist politicians, who have long been little more than tools for those in power.
Dawa provides its supporters with a network, a sense of hope, and above all a place in society. Through its extensive community and its moral code, the Dawa offers its followers a chance to overcome political exclusion, restore social bonds, and create a positive self-image. Dawa also attracts middle-class Algerians, many of whom are traditionally conservative and pious, and among whom social and cultural conservatism has generally resonated. The revolutionary jihadi approach is not a possibility for these populations as it threatens their social and economic status.
Dawa provides a collective identity and source of solidarity that gives its followers meaning and the strength to resist modernism. With their religious proselytism through an array of mediums and channels, Dawa has become the leading force of re-Islamization in Algerian society. Oftentimes, friendships start in the mosque, in closed studying groups, or even online. Education is of paramount importance to the Dawa, which has adopted the teachings of Sheikh al-Albani centered on the concept of al tasfiya was al tarbiya purification and education.
Purification consists of removing all corrupted beliefs and ideas of polytheism that have entered the lives of Muslims as well as purifying the Sunna and the law from the various innovations that have contaminated it. The second step is the education of oneself and then the education of others.
In Kharouba, the majority of students are followers of Dawa Salafiya and are taught by professors who do not follow the official curricula but instead teach according to their Salafi agenda. Both professors and students promote what they consider to be good Salafi behavior, dress, and discourse. Professors and students who fail to follow the path of Dawa are isolated and treated with caution or even dismissed. The followers of the Dawa have a mass outreach apparatus through their proselytizing activities that goes beyond the university campus; many elders are well-known for organizing classes in their homes.
Others play a role of guardians to the students by doing things like helping them get married, guiding them as they make major life decisions, and seeking to purify them from what they see as ruinous beliefs and all forms of corruption and disbelief.
To this end, they prevent them from reading newspapers and magazines or even watching television. Besides their spiritual endeavors, a majority of Dawa followers are involved in business and commercial networks. The aid and assistance granted by the government—in the framework of the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation—have allowed some Algerians to develop commercial enterprises.
Many of them speak fluent French, which facilitates their connections with other Salafists in France. The majority of these contacts are French individuals with Algerian origins who want to perform their hijra migration to Islamic lands and live in their native land.
The shuyukh of the Dawa regularly issues fatwas to help the followers in their business enterprises. Sheikh Ferkous, for instance, issued a fatwa permitting bribes for customs agents for the sake of a business; he explained that when obligated to do so, the person who gives the bribe escapes judgment because the sinner is not the giver but rather the receiver of the bribe.
Cognizant that neither the moderate Islamists nor the jihadists has been able to gain political traction or achieve progress toward establishing an Islamic government, the Dawa has followed a low-key tactical playbook.
While these activities have helped the Dawa develop and expand on the ground, perhaps the most critical factor has been the camouflage that a quietist approach has furnished. Supporting and respecting incumbent political rulers is a strategic move for the Dawa. By doing so, they give the impression that they are Islamists who are not interested in the state and the politicization of Islam. Yet their quietism does not mean that they do not engage with political developments.
Members of the Dawa influence political events indirectly while observing their ideological principle of refraining from direct political participation. During the Arab Spring uprisings in , for example, the leaders of the Dawa movement called Algerians not to join the wave of protests against their leaders and condemned both Islamist parties and jihadists alike. Similarly, in , Dawa leaders called Algerians to perform their civic duty and unite behind then president Bouteflika.
But, despite this support for incumbent leaders, the Dawa movement does not hesitate to state, like the radical FIS in the s, that democracy itself is shirk the sin of practicing idolatry or polytheism. This is how Dawa Salafiya, despite considering democracy to be a manifestation of shirk, tries to remain in the good graces of the authorities to have latitude to advance its leading role in the re-Islamization of Algerian society.
In , for instance, some Dawa followers launched a poster campaign in the streets of the capital inciting Algerians not to celebrate the Mawlid Nabawi Sharif the birth of the prophet.
Despite the large-scale demonstrations that pressed Bouteflika to step down, the leaders of the Dawa movement maintained their stance of not rebelling against the regime and the political system. It is likely that the movement will continue to eschew politics and focus on its religious activities. At the same time, the Dawa Salafiya is integrating political observations into its religious instructions, which shows that politics directly affects spiritual life on some level.
The movement is controlling the religious observance and faith of millions of Algerians in the face of change. Through these activities and its quietist stance, the Dawa is, on the one hand, avoiding the wrath of the authorities and, on the other hand, is putting in place the foundations and the pillars for building an Islamic society according to its Salafi standards.
Despite sporadic and highly localized jihadi violence, radical Islamism no longer represents a viable or desirable pathway for most Algerians. Relations with the Islamic World no.