PDF Drive is your search engine for PDF files. As of today we Complete Krav Maga: The Ultimate Guide to Over Self-Defense and Combative Techniques. Israel by Expert Alain Cohen, Krav Maga Coach from Wingate institute and Israeli Krav maga is the official system of self défense and Hand-to-Hand combat. The Book of Krav Maga - Ebook download as PDF File .pdf) or read book online. THE BIBLE OF KRAV MAGA.
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Chief Instructor of Physical Training and Krav Maga for the army, and served in Close combat, which is a step further in Krav Maga: it trains you to swiftly and. Unfortunately, there is a need and demand for Israeli krav maga self-defense all translation of the Israeli Krav Maga Association (IKMA) technique guidelines. Find useful information about Krav Maga in PDF manual files to read. Containing information written by Top Experts.
To obstruct a punch, make use of an open hand and press the fist out of the method enough so that it does not strike you someplace that it could trigger damage, such as your head, belly, or groin. Know the best ways to counterattack. Prevent making use of "wild hook" punches, where you toss your whole arm and shoulder into a punch in a way that resembles a big C.
From a combating position, a punch must come out from the center of your body. You will certainly desire your punch to come in rapidly and return rapidly-- do not leave your arm hanging out where the opponent can get it. You can likewise kick to do damage. A kick must originate from the foot that is back in the battling position. Raise the leg and snap bringing it back in so the enemy has no opportunity to get it. Know ways to make a correct fist. This could appear like a silly and insignificant thing to think about, however understanding the best ways to toss a punch with a correct fist can conserve you from harming yourself.
You will certainly wish to keep your fist closed and tight.
Your thumb must be found on or below your index and middle finger [see image] Do not position your thumb within your closed fist-- you can break your thumb if you struck an individual hard enough. If you stick your thumb out, you can likewise break it. Be particular that you keep your wrist directly when tossing a punch, as this can likewise assist avoid you from hurting yourself. Appear strong. Posture is everything: keep a directly back, reasonable strolling rate however not too quick or you'll appear suspicious and scared , hold your head high and if you are specifically strolling with a bad location, withstand the desire to avert from those around you.
Look everybody in the eye however keep concentrated on your location.
This does 3 things: lets individuals understand you look out, permits you to recognize any individual, permits you to state hello there if you understand anybody.
Realize your environments. Attackers will certainly frequently approach their sufferers, attempting to play it innocent or to threaten you for cash. This will mainly take place in a peaceful location where you may anticipate individuals to be e. Watch out for individuals who may approach you.
Be on the defensive. If somebody strategies you, then stand with your feet a little apart, back and head directly, and press your arms directly out in front of you, palms forward as if to press them away. Command "Stop! This present will certainly make you look strong, sure and positive of exactly what you're doing - another deterrent to an attack.
If the individual does stop, however does not stroll away, then securely ask them concerns such as "Are you following me? Do stagnate from that position.
By doing this you likewise discover more about your opponent and exactly what she or he is attempting to do, which is constantly an advantage to understand. It's much better to lose cash than your life. Enter a combating position if the individual simply will not leave you alone.
The paths chosen to combat violence are socially constructed and propagated, which is also why the globalisation of Krav Maga instruction is a question of cultural globalisation. The main difference between the two attacks is that a terrorist attack is considered paradigmatic of a non-negotiable one. Within Tour and Train even the renowned cleavage between Jews and Muslims — central in the rhetoric of terror and of the war against it — is erased, while Israeli combat experience, out of which Krav Maga draws its authority and fame, is thinned into a paradigm, ready to become a model for world war on terror.
Constructed in these terms, violence in general and terror in particular become omnipresent, emanating from sheer unspecified violence, the threat dons the mask of fate, shaping the understanding of terror as a sudden menace and therefore as uncertainty in its purest, nearly transcendental form.
Furthermore, although Krav Maga undertakes to find a solution to any potential hardship, creating overreaching security, sealing any possible breach and protecting each and every one is impossible; a breach can emerge from anywhere and the attempt to block it completely is futile. War on violence becomes a Sisyphean endeavour, an interminable task, engaging each civilian as its agent and drawing increasingly more efforts and resources as violence fuels itself.
Intensity Intensity stands at the centre of Krav Maga and the war on global terror in general. My understanding of intensity is drawn from the work of Deleuze and Deleuze and Guattari I have used their work in the past Bar-On Cohen b, forthcoming , since it enables anthropological analysis and understanding. And that is also one aspiration of anthropology, to question the significance of the obvious, of the well- accepted norms that often take the form of discourse, attributing primacy to what people say over what they do.
Looking at practice as it forms a social reality through doing in and of itself, with the help of the radically empirical formulations of Deleuzian thought, can yield an alternative understanding of significance, one that is concealed within the logic of operation of how sociality is put together. What, then, is intensity?
They employ the term in several ways, but here it will be used first and foremost to indicate an empirical reality. Intensity is a quality that either amplifies or weakens and is capable of redirecting the sense of things through its degree alone.
It is like a dimmer that almost imperceptibly lessens light, engendering a difference of sorts between light and darkness, and creating a radical rift between the possibility and the impossibility of seeing. In this sense intensity is a change in the degree of somatic sensation, the extent of pain, for instance, or variations in hot and cold Deleuze and Guattari Although the transformation it brings about becomes incontrovertibly present, a modification in intensity does not entail an alteration in identity.
Intensity travels through things like waves or rays; it does not change their nature, yet they are no longer the same. Through an alteration in intensity, things — including social situations — grow or shrink, gain or lose power or speed, become clearer or more obscure, hotter to the point of boiling or colder to the point of freezing, until the change in degree renders them something radically different yet maintains their identity.
Despite the radical shift, they remain the same thing. Hence its self-implication is also implicating, generating sameness and also drastic difference within the same event. Intensity, therefore, is not symbolic or representative, it is not semantic or semiotic, it does not stand for anything else; rather, it is a quality or a potentiality inherent in a thing within itself.
It belongs to what Deleuze calls a field of immanence, it refers to nothing exterior to itself, it has no transcendental facet. Intensity replaces distinct meaning with a sensation; it is the affect of something that comes to pass, and so a change of intensity is perceived indistinguishably in the body and self as a whole.
Turning undulations in intensity into the main protagonist of a social activity as does Krav Maga can result in radically somatic worlds-of-significance. Krav Maga erases distinctions between the participants and between sorts of violent eruptions, while modifying intensity using the explosive potentiality embedded in violence.
Body, violence and control of shifts in intensity are also the concern of Japanese martial arts. But while the sought-after intensity in the more meditative Japanese martial arts is constant and unwavering, attempting to achieve an infinite evenness of intensity, Krav Maga was devised to contend with unpredicted and sudden changes in intensity, to be constantly challenged by a world of potential radical changes in intensity in which everything moves erratically in unexpected directions.
Moreover, whereas the Japanese martial arts seek the eradication of violence Bar-On Cohen , Krav Maga is intended to circumvent hurdles and to devise temporary solutions to an omnipresent and escalating violence. In Krav Maga training, the intensity of an attack, of a combatant, of the entire setting is a sensation felt within the body of participant and observer alike — anxiety, relief, the urge to laugh, rapid movement or catatonia. Through the process of universalisation and globalisation of violence, the scene of training is emptied of its representations and meanings and any specificity is cast aside in favour of totalised understanding.
Any and all content is replaced by intensity. K r a v M a ga Martial arts vary in their insistence on the importance of efficiency in battle relative to other aspects of their training such as spirituality, sociality, sport, cultural tradition and authenticity.
Many globalised martial arts, such as the Japanese Karate and Aikido, have a marked spiritual facet and are globalised as an inclusive Japanese cultural asset Bar-On Cohen , , a.
Other martial art, such as Brazilian Capoeira, underscores music, acrobatics and sociality Stephens and Delamont Japanese Jujutsu Bar-On Cohen a and Ninjatsu are closer to Krav Maga in that they stress efficiency as their primary aim, yet they too maintain syncretic Japanese roots.
Krav Maga is therefore very adaptable to a broad range of needs and situations. Since Krav Maga movements are purportedly based on how children naturally grapple and fight, they can be taught at a basic level to anyone within a short period of time. Lichtenfeld systematically documented hand-to-hand situations and developed exercises to prepare for combat against various adversaries in a wide range of situations, with the unique purpose of rendering the fighting as compact and as effective as possible.
Likewise, although Israeli close combat was developed for use by soldiers, its underlying assumption is that people are unaware of oncoming attacks, that they are surprised to find themselves in the midst of violent incidents, and that they need to be prepared for such eventualities.
Close-combat training sessions thus often include exercises in which the person attacked awaits the assault with his or her eyes shut, simulating the surprise of a real-life attack. During training sessions, Krav Maga teachers constantly remind students that any exercise is only a formalised example, one among many results of a chain of events that could have ensued from a belligerent encounter.
This way of posing the situation suggests that there are so many unpredicted parameters in any skirmish that no one can predict what might happen during a fight, and that the combatant must always keep in mind as many options as possible.
Consequently, too — and in contrast to other martial arts, particularly the Japanese martial arts — the technique is loose and supple and each exercise contains many variations. The difference between Japanese martial arts and close-combat training is even more profound, since Japanese martial art training creates a separate world-of-meaning, an enclave where alternative norms prevail Bar-On Cohen , forthcoming , while close-combat training sessions systematically attempt to recreate outside reality, investing effort in keeping the training session closely aligned with the surrounding environment.
My position as an anthropologist at training sessions is also indicative of this difference. While studying Japanese martial arts I had to choose between donning the special uniform and participating fully in a training session from beginning to end, or observing it entirely from the outside; in a close-combat training session I could stand with pen and notebook in the midst of participants attacking one another all around, no more than an obstacle to be circumvented, perhaps a civilian trapped in a violent situation.
One such adaptation concerns the nature of damage a combatant intends to inflict on the adversary. As terrorist attacks increased in Israel, especially during the first Palestinian uprising or Intifada —93 , which included numerous attacks on civilians, Krav Maga experts closely analysed events in the attempt to update and improve the skills of military, police and other security forces.
In addition, as the battlefield moved into the city streets, civilians became more susceptible to violent assault and required increased protection. Close-combat techniques became one means of such protection in ordinary life, or at least a source of reassurance to those civilians who trained in these techniques. Thus in the notoriously porous relations between military and civilian life in Israel for a recent example see Lebel , this know-how seeped out of army ranks into the commercial realm, while private Krav Maga schools also fed back into the army and police as their teachers and students joined the armed forces.
Imi Lichtenfeld established the International Krav Maga Federation after retiring from military service, and he was soon joined by other former military teaching personnel. Experienced Israelis started to commercialise their expertise throughout the world. He spends some days a year outside Israel, teaching Krav Maga in various frameworks. During these visits he gives demonstrations, teaches at local IKMF branches, and offers special intensive courses at closed army and police camps.
Since he alone cannot meet the demand for Krav Maga instruction, he also sends junior teachers overseas. Some of the training camps are organised by the local security forces; in other cases the IKMF sets them up and security personnel from several countries are sent by their employers for training. In addition, trainees from around the world come to Israel for the special ten-day Tour and Train programme. Shorter visits are organised for advanced students who come for a brief recap of all techniques and subsequently take a test to become Krav Maga instructors in their own countries.
Radical change in intensity — ethnographic snapshots The four in-training vignettes presented below are intended to highlight the crucial moments within training sessions when a change in intensity can erupt and alter the mood of the training session. The jokes sometime have a vague sexual innuendo, but always in a subdued, inoffensive way. At the Tour and Train session in front of the ancient walls of Jerusalem the atmosphere was casual, even playful, with some bantering which, even though it turned on the loaded subject of anti-Semitism, did not alter the overall mood.
Within a few minutes of the beginning of the session, the participants were deeply absorbed in their efforts to master the techniques of defence against a knifing attack and paid little attention to the scenery. This session followed a day of touring in Jerusalem.
In front of the ancient walls of Jerusalem, the participants simulated muggings and, to underscore the reality of the scene, were encouraged to add dialogue to their movements. The Israeli teacher Amnon demonstrated being attacked at rubber knife point by a husky young Danish trainee.
And Amnon quickly snatched the knife from the Danish trainee. This was the only time I heard so sensitive a subject being joked about, and perhaps the historical innuendo was lost on the young Dane, but even this loaded bantering did not change the atmosphere. On the sixth day of the Tour and Train programme, for instance, the group drove five rental cars to a deserted park. After several days of practice in basic techniques, the trainees were presented with additional challenges when these techniques were adapted to the interior of the cars.
These included the simulation of an assault on the driver by a hitchhiker sitting in the front seat, by someone approaching the car at a stop light, and by an assailant in the parking lot. The session covered different ways of defending oneself against an attacker with either a knife or a gun. All these details present obstacles as well as opportunities for defence and attack; all the specificities of the new environment needed be scrutinised and learned.
Up to this point the trainees could move in any direction, even vertically by lowering their bodies, or they could try to evade an assault by running away. But in the intensification engendered by the car training session, the dialogues became lewd and full of insults in a myriad of languages, effectively jeopardising the safety of the persons under attack. On other occasions, the radical alteration of intensity during training — the change in mood and degree of aggressiveness — resulted in some of the women moving towards the periphery of the training circle.
When things get rough, the outer edge of the moving mass of participants seems safer, and that was one of the reactions to the arrival of the Finns. Twelve new participants joined after ten days of intense training had already been completed. This ultimately became the largest training session, including teachers and an additional visitor from a Far Eastern army, totalling close to 60 participants.
As usual, the group divided into two, the beginners which included the four Finnish women on one side of the hall, and the more expert on the other. This exercise was meant to prepare trainees for any eventuality, suggesting also that an assault can take place without any overt expression of aggressiveness, when the attacker appears calm but suddenly turns and strikes in an unexpected direction.
The beginner participants were seated facing the wall, eyes shut and hands behind their backs. The instructor handed rubber knives to three of them, doing so in such a way that the others could not know which of their comrades had a knife. Simulating terrorists, the trainees with the knives concealed them in their clothing, and all the participants got up and walked nonchalantly along the hall as if strolling naturally in the street.
The other participants were expected to perform the exercise they had been practising under controlled conditions, stopping and disarming the attackers.
The exercise was repeated several times. Whenever the signal was given, havoc ensued; and whenever the Finns held the knives, the young women in particular, their attacks were ferocious and much more energetic than the norm that had settled in throughout the programme.
Despite their smaller size, the young Finnish women seemed to outstrip the limits of somaticity by turning their bodies into pure unrestrained weapons — moving close to the ground, making large and direct stabbing movements, using their body weight and dynamism to become out-and- out war machines. The standards that had settled in within the Tour and Train group during the ten days of training under controlled conditions were suddenly challenged. One-on-one, face-to-face techniques had allowed the participants to gradually negotiate an acceptable intensity of the training; through their daily interactions, unformulated norms came to be expected.
Within the protected training hall, the closed group of Tour and Train was suddenly vulnerable, defenceless. A new intensity had appeared with no warning, under conditions that did not allow time for adjustment, and bringing chaos in its wake. The radical change in intensity was both planned and haphazard. This was considerably augmented by the presence of the Finns, who seemed to be used to a more intense and dynamic assault than the norm within the Tour and Train beginner group.
But it too remained within the confines of the training session and could therefore be sensed as change in intensity without exacting any real damage to body or property. Although it is a Krav Maga principle that a fighter must do something rather than nothing, the new situation merely indicated that the training process was not over, that in order to deal with the new intensity, more adjustment was necessary.
The final vignette presented here refers to a different time and setting altogether, one of the monthly sessions for the most advanced Krav Maga experts in Israel including Tour and Train instructors , equivalent to black belt holders in Japanese martial arts.
Some of these experts have their own students; others travel abroad frequently, teaching courses for security personnel and taking part in other globalised settings. The training session I attended was held in an abandoned work site, in an unfinished building. Not only did the trainees need to pay attention to the attack, but they had to mind their step and be careful not to hurt themselves on the dangerous protuberances.
After an hour of various simulations making use of the walls and gaping doorways, Eyal set the terms of a new exercise: the attacker, armed with a gun pressed into the ribcage of the person under assault, whose back is to the wall, uses his free hand to choke his opponent.
Unlike the other exercises, Eyal did not offer any solutions to this particularly dire situation, but all the trainees knew that any solution required that the threat of the gun be eliminated in one movement. This exercise touches on a central concern of Krav Maga, because the chances of resolving a violent event vary according to the situation.
A gun, for example, presents a greater threat than a knife because a gun injury is potentially more incapacitating: a knife can be dangerous, even fatal, but one can keep on fighting despite one or more stab wounds. In any event, even if the odds in a given situation are low, a fighter should never give up but should try to improve his or her chances of survival by doing something.
The present exercise constituted a collapse of this Krav Maga principle because the experts — who embody Krav Maga at the highest level — were suddenly out of ideas; the uncertainty presented by the exercise did not seem to have a corresponding course of action that could be adapted for ultimate resolution.
The combination of the nearly desperate situation and the lack of even a risky solution resulted in a change in intensity. The experts were disconcerted, trying everything but to no avail.
Only a very few could come up with any kind of way out. The trainees became verbally abusive; the stress made some of them more aggressive and others more passive.
Ten minutes passed, and only then did Eyal finally propose some solutions, allowing the session to return to its usual equanimity, its normal nonchalant and easy-going atmosphere. The examples of the above vignettes present changes in intensity occasioned by confined spaces the cars which make it impossible to move feely, or by the unexpected intrusion of a hitherto unknown attacker whose dynamism challenges the norm the knifing attack , or by a desperate situation to which no solution has been proposed the abandoned building.
So long as the intensity remains unwavering, Krav Maga solutions work and violence can be evaded; but when there is a sharp shift in intensity, then the real Krav Maga, the one that constantly adapts itself and is always ready for the endless potentialities embedded in violence, needs to intervene.
Krav Maga therefore is constructed and grows through its failures, through the potentiality of a loophole in the system which will need mending, updating technique while learning once again from reality. Each eruption of a drastic change in intensity means losing control in a mundane situation, while the only wish of the attacked is to return to their business. K r a v M a ga a n d g l o b a l i s e d wa r o n v i o l e n c e The participants on the Tour and Train programme came to improve their chances in face-to-face violence.
Joshua and his friends wanted to enhance their skills as policemen. Italian Gino 9 came because native Italians were, he believed, endangered by the Eastern Europeans flooding his country as a result of European Union policies.
Chris took up close-combat training in Los Angeles after her husband, the father of her four children, began to beat her.
Australian Steve was worried by what he saw as the aggressive behaviour of Lebanese immigrants in his country. Tour and Train, and Krav Maga in general, cater for all types of assaults, meanwhile practically enmeshing domestic violence, civil security faced with a wave of criminality and the world war on terror into one indistinguishable globalised threat. Most participants, however, came for no single specific reason; they simply wanted to learn how to protect themselves.
Indeed, it would seem that most of us do not need a precise concern in order to feel that we live in a hostile environment, a world of uncertainties Bauman b. Because, as we all know, security problems can arise anywhere, they cannot be contained; this is how terror manifests itself, emerging from the periphery to erupt at the centre of our lives.
This is also the new concept of the global war on terror: just as terror is omnipresent, so the war against it must also be ubiquitous. Israel and its capital Jerusalem are religious centres and the site of pilgrimage for Jews, Christians and Muslims, and some of the programme participants wanted to visit holy places — the Turkish trainees, for instance, went to the main Muslim holy site in Jerusalem, the El-Aqsa mosque.
But the common interest of all participants was to see at first hand the complicated security challenges presented by the Israeli situation. Gino does not know English, but was a very enthusiastic student, so he would speak Italian to everyone and motioned his colleagues to assume positions he thought appropriate. Moreover, Tour and Train is not only a programme for considering what can be done about the global threat, but also a site where the phenomenon is culturally constructed.
It is within arenas such as Tour and Train that the nitty-gritty of the globalised war on violence is actually brewed and experimented with. Correspondingly, most researchers weigh the effects of security measures and of war on terror solely on a discursive and abstract plane. However, both terror and the war on it affect our lives and bodies in a very mundane way, creating new realities and new commonsensical, unquestioned understandings. Terror sows fear, confusion and havoc, and the attempt to counter it determines on a practical level the aftermath of the fear, confusion and havoc that violent attacks may sow.
Ultimately, practice of security, as it is put together, also determines our understanding of the danger, and of what must be done about it. Meanwhile, these measures also generate new social norms, and so, war on violence brands its mark on society at large.
Fortunately most civilians will never find themselves at the scene of a terrorist attack. However, whereas terror itself affects directly — even if dramatically — the lives of a few, the war on it permeates the social tissue in many ways. Close-combat training, however, is praxis through and through, and thus unlike public statements and broad dispositions, it answers the questions posed by security professionals themselves all over the world: How exactly is it done?
How do you actually ensure security against a potential attack? Looking at close-combat training allows us to trace the patterns in which these globalised concepts are socially constructed, encompassing not only disembodied thought, but also the direct target of violence, namely, the body.
In Krav Maga training sessions the unprotected human body is the common denominator for all participants, and its potentialities to hurt or to be hurt by another human body are analysed and tested in all their aspects. One of its aims is to prevent the explosive manifestations of global terror. Although statistically few people are actually caught in terrorist attacks, the perceived potentialities of terror are enormous, since its devastation can indeed touch us all, rending apart physical body and social fabric in an instant Handelman ms submitted.
We can all find ourselves trapped in acute and pervasive somatic violence at the very heart of our day-to-day activities. World terror seeps through international borders and overflows national distinc- tions; correspondingly, the security measures taken against it are also globalised Dillon ; Hardt and Negri The global dangers do not stem from terror alone; mafias, drug cartels, petty criminality, migration as both Gino and Steven believe , domestic violence, and any admixture of these factors can present the risk of terror Bauman b: Hence we are permanently ensnared in a precarious state in which an amorphous and vague adversary suddenly appears in endless variations.
Furthermore, precisely because the danger is all around us and can erupt while we are engaged in every possible activity, no security measures can totally prevent the materialisation of such threats. Police and other state security forces — to which the state has entrusted a monopoly on the use of violence and its prevention — cannot be in all places at all times. They do try, however, and the plethora of surveillance cameras in our daily lives is just one result of this proliferation.
French anthropologist Louis Dumont indicated the mutual influences and feedback from one domain of violence to another, the spilling-over of techniques and types of war and violence into other domains, such as criminality, but also politics and psychiatry. The threat of terror results in surveillance and prevention, which breaches privacy and leads to action against suspects as the war on terror escalates. The responsibilities of the nation-state — partly replaced by the international power of oligarchs Kapferer , by civil society for example Kaldor , and by the trend to privatisation, including the privatisation of security services — are actualised by engaging Israelis to train police and anti-terror units of foreign countries.
Additionally, in civilian settings Krav Maga is part of the global trend toward local organisations and ad hoc solutions as replacements for what was once typically considered the sole responsibility and prerogative of the central bureaucratic nation-state. And so, common attitudes toward the global, the national and the civil society, as well as the relations between and among them, are fabricated on a practical plane according to a particular model of operation, propagated from Israel.
The spread of close-combat training further decentralises and recursively contributes to the unstable character of social life, which it ironically sets out to solve. Out of this logic or ideology stems the responsibility of each and every one of us to manage all aspects of our lives, including personal security: we can entrench ourselves behind locks and security systems, we download insurance policies, we can hire private security staff, and we can train in combat techniques.
Training in Krav Maga is one way of taking the potential violence personally and acting to prevent its aftermath. In Tour and Train, civilians and security personnel exercise in techniques designed for combat in the tight, often urban spaces where this new war is being waged.
Thus Krav Maga techniques emerge from a meticulous examination of actual events in an attempt to devise, test and correct solutions for future eventualities. Close- combat training sites therefore transform experience into exercise, and by so doing they formalise and alter the nature of violence and of the reaction to it, rendering the solutions an actuality which is subsequently disseminated.
Through teaching these techniques to security forces and to civilians throughout the world, the analyses of violence — the practical understanding of its nature and the ways to counter it — are injected back into the world. This act of feeding back becomes a widespread global reality through the private schools of Krav Maga that have appeared all over the world and through programmes such as Tour and Train.
Several national security forces have 14 Swarming is intimately connected to intensity; an alteration of intensity provokes a shift in direction. Within Tour and Train, some of the uncertainty, some of the vulnerability, and some of the omnipresence of contentless yet acute violence emanating from the exterior world are transposed into the training hall.
There they are broken down into detailed exercises, sensed, dominated and tamed. Tour and Train espouses the nature of the global war on terror in yet a more profound way. Moreover, any threatening situation, even the most dire, has a response within Krav Maga since, logically, even if a situation seems bleak and desperate, even if the chances of survival are slim, it is always better to improve those chances by doing something rather than nothing.
In this way complete uncertainty and a situation of desperation is replaced, through martial technique, with a solution and a definite course of action to be embarked upon without hesitation. Universals and par ticulars The understanding that the war on terror is global, omnipresent and similar in very disparate societies is not self-evident.