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Abstract Background A new era of flu surveillance has already started based on the genetic characterization and exploration of influenza virus evolution at whole-genome scale. By handling NGS data collected from any amplicon-based schema, the implemented pipeline enables any laboratory to perform multi-step software intensive analyses in a user-friendly manner without previous advanced training in bioinformatics. INSaFLU gives access to user-restricted sample databases and projects management, being a transparent and flexible tool specifically designed to automatically update project outputs as more samples are uploaded. Data integration is thus cumulative and scalable, fitting the need for a continuous epidemiological surveillance during the flu epidemics. Multiple outputs are provided in nomenclature-stable and standardized formats that can be explored in situ or through multiple compatible downstream applications for fine-tuned data analysis. This dual approach is expected to strengthen our ability not only to detect the emergence of antigenic and drug resistance variants but also to decode alternative pathways of influenza evolution and to unveil intricate routes of transmission. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article Keywords: INSaFLU, Influenza, Next-generation sequencing, Bioinformatics, Variants, Surveillance, Public health Background Influenza virus represents a major public health concern worldwide as it causes annual seasonal epidemics and occasional pandemics leading to high morbidity and mortality in the population [ 1 , 2 ].

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E adesso? Our objective is to submit these analyses and proposals for discussion by the social and political left, and by all those activists and citizens of Europe who are convinced that it is necessary to make a radical change of course if we want to rise to the great challenges of the period.

Europe is going through a major and prolonged crisis. The European Union continues to advance in an anti-democratic manner in the service of the richest sectors of the population. Ordinary people have repeatedly demonstrated in the streets and at the polls their rejection of the policies followed by governments over the last few decades — policies which for the most part have been coordinated and supported by the European institutions —, as well as their desire for radical change.

In the last few years, several opportunities have been missed, especially in in Greece. The climate crisis, violent austerity policies, and the danger represented by a racist and xenophobic far right, only make it more urgent to define a strategy associating organisation from below, as well as social movements and political organisations, in order to make politics serve the interests of the majority.

Introduction In the last ten years, popular anger has expressed itself without interruption against discriminatory and anti-democratic policies in favour of the rich and big companies - policies implemented by national governments and often coordinated by the European Union EU.

Nor should we forget the climate demonstrations, driven mainly by young people who have gone on strike in many countries, including Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland, Belgium, France and Great Britain. All these social movements, and others, have challenged the austerity measures and authoritarianism of the policies being implemented in Europe, by posing directly or indirectly the question of a radical alternative social project to capitalism, productivism, ecological devastation, racism and patriarchy.

A social emergency because the living and working conditions of the popular classes have continuously deteriorated in the last thirty years, most notably since the crisis which affected the continent in An ecological emergency because the exponential consumption of fossil fuels, and more generally the destruction of ecosystems, both of which are necessary for capitalism, bring planetary climate change whose effects are now clearly visible ever closer to a point of no return and threaten the very existence of humanity.

A democratic emergency because, faced with the challenges to the dominant classes over the last thirty years, the latter have not hesitated to adopt methods of domination which ignore democratic appearances to an ever-greater degree, and are increasingly repressive.

A feminist emergency because patriarchal oppression in all its forms is increasingly being massively and loudly rejected by millions of women and men.

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A crisis of solidarity because the closing of frontiers and building of walls as a response to the millions of migrants fleeing war, poverty, environmental disasters and authoritarian regimes world-wide constitute nothing less than a denial of humanity. Each of these emergencies leads, in reaction, to mass civil disobedience, self-organisation and the building of alternatives, which represent possible sources of democratic alternatives in Europe.

In this Manifesto, our reflections and our determination to act are solidly rooted in these Europe-wide movements, without limiting themselves to existing frontiers and institutions: all the challenges and rights mentioned have become global. These take different forms in each country and continent, with their particularities and their own histories. Interest is calculated on the amount of the capital invested or borrowed, the duration of the operation and the rate that has been set.

The European institutions organise with others and coordinate neoliberal policies at a transnational level, incite and sometimes constrain national governments to accelerate the processes of lowering wages and pensions, dismantling laws regulating labour relations and social rights, privatisation of public services, etc.

Of course, neoliberal policies are not dictated by the European institutions alone — countries outside the EU also apply them — but the treaties and institutions are a powerful lever to encourage and impose them. Recent developments, however, have intensified the unequal and authoritarian nature of European policies. This rise in inequality is directly linked to European policies on employment which aim to destroy employee protection and generalise precariousness; on finance, aiming to shield the banks and large companies from taxation and any remotely serious form of regulation; but also currency matters, i.

Its official role is to ensure price stability by combating inflation within that Zone. On the one hand, the impossibility of devaluing the currency, which is a direct consequence of the single currency, helps to widen the disparities between different parts of the continent, to encourage the precariousness of working conditions, to increase unemployment especially amongst young people and to push the population of the peripheral zones of the continent — young qualified people looking for employment in particular — to emigrate towards the centre.

While masking the responsibility of the dominant classes in each nation, the rules of the Eurozone push governments, especially in the countries of the periphery, to continually reduce salaries, while the central economies compete with each other at the expense of their own increasingly precarious populations such as the 7 million German workers paid euros per month through threatening to relocate jobs and exploiting this peripheral labour force in order to increase market share Share A unit of ownership interest in a corporation or financial asset, representing one part of the total capital stock.

Its owner a shareholder is entitled to receive an equal distribution of any profits distributed a dividend and to attend shareholder meetings. On the other hand, these inequalities have been reinforced by the systematic use of quantitative easing the flooding of markets with billions of liquidity Liquidity The facility with which a financial instrument can be bought or sold without a significant change in price. The EMU, which lies at the heart of the construction of Europe, has functioned since the crisis as an instrument of economic exploitation of workers, of social polarisation between different populations and of the political domination of certain states by others.

The EU countries which are not part of the Eurozone are themselves forced to reduce wage costs, to practise fiscal dumping and to make employment contracts more precarious if they wish to continue to compete with the Eurozone heavyweights such as Germany, France and the Benelux countries. The EU institutions and the governments of the member states prefer to safeguard the existence of capitalism rather than of humanity At the same time, despite the fact that there is now a clear consensus concerning the importance of the current ecological crisis, the EU institutions and the governments of the member states like the governments of the other main states which are responsible for global warming and the destruction of ecosystems as result of their policies in favour of large polluting companies have not drawn any practical conclusions about the necessary transition towards decarbonised economies and the correlative transformation of the productive system.

These institutions prefer to safeguard the existence of capitalism rather than of humanity, so putting in danger the lives of the young and of future generations. The response of most governments to the growing protest movements consists in increasing the level of state repression: social and political opponents are threatened in Greece, in France and Belgium laws restricting freedoms follow one after the other and examples of police violence multiply, refugee rights activists are criminalised, etc.

The European institutions have never protected capitalist interests so actively and have never erected so many barriers against popular intervention or democratic choice as in the last few years. With the signature of agreements on migration policy between the EU and third-party countries such as the agreement with Turkey of April , these institutions added to the injustice of the Dublin III Regulation and the violence of Frontex the agency organising the repression of migrants at the frontiers of the EU the systematic violation of international law, especially the law of asylum, and direct funding of a repressive policy delegated to third-party countries.

Faced with the pro-capitalist, anti-democratic and xenophobic construction which is the EU, what is to be done? Reform through elections at the European level is not a realistic option.

A very hypothetical majority for a radical left coalition in the European Parliament would not make it possible to impose a modification of the most important treaties and democratic control of the European Commission and the ECB, which are the two main war machines of neoliberalism in Europe. The Parliament, in reality, does not possess the necessary prerogatives for such reforms, and the ECB and the European Commission, as well as the European Court of Justice and the various European agencies, are completely independent of popular sovereignty.

And the simultaneous election in the quasi totality of member states of governments committed to reforming the EU seems equally illusory, if only because of the different temporality of electoral cycles. The European Union today constitutes not only a vanguard of neoliberalism in the world but also an ensemble of unreformable institutions, which is why a left committed to social transformation can no longer be credible and realistic without placing a complete break with the treaties and institutions of the European Union at the heart of its strategy.

This Manifesto argues that it is necessary and possible to simultaneously oppose the forces and policies of inequality and reaction at national, European and international levels But what forms should this rupture take?

We already know that it cannot consist in negotiating a consensus without being in a position of strength faced with the European institutions, as the experience of the first Syriza government in clearly showed.

We also know that political ruptures necessarily rely on social mobilisations on a grand scale.

Such mobilisations were cruelly lacking in Greece at the beginning of , and they could have created the conditions for the campaign for Brexit to take a different direction from the nationalist and xenophobic one which unfortunately prevailed in Great Britain in In other words, breaking with the treaties and the institutions of the European Union must be conflictual, democratic and internationalist.

Taken as a whole, its constituent parts so far cruelly lack clarity and courage in their relationship to the European institutions, radicality and ambition in the measures they advocate, and a popular base as a result of their isolation from the social movements which are defying the existing order from below. It is time, at local, national and international levels, to discuss the measures and realistic and radical initiatives which, if implemented, would really make it possible to satisfy social needs and guarantee the fundamental rights of the men and women living in Europe or desiring to do so, improve their living and working conditions, conquer democratic power and begin the process of going beyond capitalism while starting the ecological transition.

The chapters of this Manifesto are designed as propositions to be debated The chapters of this Manifesto are designed as propositions to be debated — propositions which arise from reflections oriented towards immediate and more long-term action. Chapter 1 submits for discussion principles, strategies and tools required to realise these objectives and implement these proposals.

This chapter presents measures that such a government in a member country of the EU should put into practice immediately starting in the first hours after coming to power and unilaterally — i.

Like the following chapters, it distinguishes and enumerates immediate, medium-term and more long-term measures to be taken at national or international levels. Net profit is profit after tax. Distributable profit is the part of the net profit which can be distributed to the shareholders.

It proposes to answer this question: What to do in the face of the hostility and constraints imposed by the European institutions? It presents a strategy of disobedience at all territorial levels , confrontation including defensive and offensive measures , rupture in different possible forms.

This strategy does not propose ready-made answers, but indicates a general direction whose starting point must be the objectives to be defended and a recognition of the logic with which we are confronted.

This chapter points to the need to rebuild alliances and constituent processes with a view to instituting democratic forms of international cooperation as an alternative to those of the EU. Popular sovereignty can only be built by creating new democratic institutions through organisation from below Our side must refuse both the unrealistic projects of institutional reform of the European institutions, which in the final analysis only reinforce the status quo, and projects based on a retreat into the nation-state, which end up by merely reinforcing domestic capital.

Popular sovereignty can only be built by confronting the present forms of political institutions at national, European and international levels, and by creating new democratic institutions through organisation from below.

For that to happen, we must win the argument for the necessity of a clear political break with the national, European and international institutions, which are vehicles for the policies we are fighting, as well as to consolidate the links between networks and forms of resistance and between the political, social and trade union movements which share the objectives of progressive and radical change, in particular in order to have an influence on a European level.

The immediate and urgent task is to reinforce and coordinate the existing initiatives of disobedience, rupture and self-organisation, and to initiate new ones, systematically giving them an international dimension, making sure they are clearly opposed to the EU institutions and work in favour of new forms of solidarity between peoples. By making these propositions for disobeying and breaking with the European institutions, there can be no question of looking towards a nationalist solution to the crisis and to social revolt.

As much as in past periods, we need to adopt an internationalist strategy and advocate a European federation of peoples as opposed to pursuing the present course of integration which is completely dominated by the interests of big capital. It is also a question of constantly seeking to develop coordinated campaigns and actions at the continental level and beyond in the fields of debt, ecology, the right to housing, treatment of migrants and refugees, health, education and other public services, the right to work, the fight to close nuclear power stations, the drastic reduction of the use of fossil fuels, the fight against fiscal dumping and tax havens, the fight to socialise the banks, insurance companies and the energy sector, the reappropriation of the commons, action against the ever-increasing authoritarianism of governments and for democracy in every area of social life, the struggle to defend and extend the rights of women and LGBTI people, the promotion of public goods and services, the creation of constituent processes.

It will no doubt be objected that this revolutionary way is too radical or too difficult. We reply that others are an impasse, and that ours is the only one which makes it possible to start the process of breaking with the existing order, now and everywhere it may be possible, in order to rebuild local, regional, national and international spaces, and beyond that, a world which is liveable, fair and democratic. Chapter 1 - First steps of a popular government United Kingdom I.

DIAGNOSIS Big business and big banks, hiring an army of lobbyists, set the political agenda both at the national and the supranational levels In the main lines, the content and outcomes of EU neoliberal policies has been similar in all the member States. Big business and big banks, hiring an army of lobbyists, set the political agenda both at the national and the supranational levels. The correlative decline of democracy and loss of popular sovereignty in Europe reflect a historic shift in favour of capital and against labour.

For labour this shift has amounted to a tremendous escalation of insecurity with regard to employment, income, medical care, pensions, and so forth. For capital it has meant the rapacious appropriation of national wealth propelling inequality to levels unprecedented in the post-war years. The policies of the EU to confront the Eurozone crisis have further favoured capital while worsening the conditions of labour. They have reinforced massive unemployment, specially for the young and in the periphery, compression of the wages, a lack of investment and the decline of the public services.

They have also dramatically increased the economic ascendance and the political domination of the core of Europe over the peripheries of Southern Europe and of Central Europe. The machinery of the EU and the authority of the ECJ ensure that the Treaties will continue to be interpreted in favour of advancing neoliberalism.

Just as there is no normal politics within the EU, there is also no normal political contestation in determining the outlook of EU institutions. The EU is a transnational juggernaut geared to neoliberal and hierarchical motion. Rather, it is a hierarchical alliance of nation states that have created the institutional framework of a single market relentlessly promoting neoliberalism.

In our view, the popular sovereignty and an internationalist approach are not only compatible but also mutually necessary Therefore, the main dilemma consists of what to do whether a progressive and popular force reaches the government and sees that is not possible to apply a progressive policy without a negative and strong reaction of the economic apparatus of the EU.

In our view, the popular sovereignty and an internationalist approach are not only compatible but also mutually necessary. Thus, it is necessary to defend a political roadmap which combines the national and popular political tasks with an internationalist point of view.

This political roadmap consists in carrying out measures needed for breaking unilaterally the austerity measures, and thus to disobey the Treaties and neoliberal pacts, while building a cooperative framework with other countries within or not the EU compatible with the construction of a new solidarity and alternative economic area in Europe.

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The extension of social rights and public services demands a political economy incompatible with the EU Treaties In this prospect, a radical democratic, social and labour agenda should be put in spotlight. The protection and extension of labour rights, the job creation and the extension of social rights and public services demands a political economy incompatible with the EU Treaties. In other words, the assets provide information about how the funds collected by the company have been used; and the liabilities, about the origins of those funds.

For that to become a political reality, however, the popular Left must recapture its historic radicalism, reject the mechanisms of the EMU and the EU, and accept the consequences of this disobedient policy. On that basis it could in practice defend the rights of citizens and migrants, especially of the popular classes.

Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt

If the Left intends to implement radical anti-capitalist policies and effectively to confront the neoliberal juggernaut of the EU, it must be prepared for a rupture. There has to be a break, an upheaval, an overturning of prevailing conditions, for things to change in Europe.

There must be a rupture with the domestic power structures that have a vested interest in the current arrangements. There must also be a rupture with the transnational institutions of the EU that sustain the current arrangements. With regards to the economic and social policies of a popular government, the priority is to implement domestic programmes that directly challenge the power of capital.

Each country would have to tailor its own programme according to its needs, but key elements would apply for all.

In the short term these elements would consist in lifting austerity, re-extending labour and social rights, engaging in income and wealth redistribution and in public investment in order to satisfy immediate and fundamental needs and aspirations of the working class and the poor.

What should the popular Left do in the case of reaching a national government? Immediate steps: Boost domestic demand with the aim of reducing unemployment and raising incomes The priority is to lift austerity.

Fiscal and monetary policy ought to be deployed to boost domestic demand with the aim of reducing unemployment and raising incomes. In a huge economy, such as the EU, the sources of demand ought to be sought domestically in the first instance. This holds for countries of the core and for those in the peripheries, but also for the hegemonic power. Germany ought to wean itself from its destructive neo-mercantilism by focusing on its domestic economy. Boosting domestic demand would necessarily include redistributing income and wealth away from capital and toward labour.

Inequality has to be tackled as a matter of urgency across Europe, in both core and periphery. It makes economic sense in several EU countries to raise wages as a means of supporting aggregate demand. It also makes economic sense to raise the tax burden on the corporations and the rich, including on wealth.

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